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Though the literature on decentralization has clarified some issues, it has left unsettled the question of the administrative structure for its implementation: who should take what decisions, and at what level? There are limits to the conventional methods of classification. where answers have been sought in terms of Western experience, participation and management. and a legal perspective has been adopted with decentralization seen in terms of fully elected local governments. semi-autonomous local governments. or coordinating committees. Rather than stress procedures of participation. the substantive content of decision-making needs to he analysed. A classification of rural development programmes provides an alternative model for the reallocation of functions within the system of government to meet development needs. The case of district planning in Agra District. India. illustrates the process of decentralization. underlines its composite character. and shows the importance of the budget in initiating reform in the political-administrative system. Since decentralization is now motivated by different factors than in the past. the requirements of the anti-poverty programmes will move the decision-making process closer to the cutting edge of the village level, with even greater responsiveness to demands from below.  相似文献   

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20世纪后期,随着大量新生的民主国家面临一系列的社会经济问题,民主陷入了不稳定甚至倒退的现实,民主化研究也从最初的转型开始向巩固转变。而亨廷顿的民主巩固理论,正好引导了20世纪90年代西方政治民主研究的潮流。他对民主巩固做了比较系统的阐述。简要地介绍了亨廷顿的民主、民主化、民主巩固等概念,着重介绍了他成功的民主巩固所需要的条件,最后试图对之进行初步的评价。  相似文献   

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Australia has experienced one of the fastest growing public debt levels in the world post‐Global Financial Crisis due to a series of large federal budget deficits driven by high government spending. In this paper we examine the balance sheet implications of this escalating public debt, before proposing some macro‐fiscal objectives for determining its sustainable level. These objectives are to (i) restore the federal government's solvency; (ii) eliminate foreign public debt; and (iii) achieve budgetary balance over the business cycle. Empirically, we first examine how much fiscal consolidation is required for debt stabilisation at current levels, before considering what sized budget balances are needed to achieve the target debt to GDP ratios consistent with the proposed objectives. The results show that no target debt to GDP level consistent with the optimal levels will be met on current fiscal settings in the medium term. This implies significantly greater fiscal consolidation is required to minimise future fiscal risk.  相似文献   

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The increasing non‐performing assets (NPAs) and to meet the higher funding needs, India witnessed the biggest consolidation in public sector banks. In India the surging NPAs is long witnessed concern and major economic reforms were initiated in Indian banking to curb the issue. The recent merger has brought in a major policy concern with this consolidation which is availability of loans to smaller businesses. The paper analyses the impact of banks consolidation on Indian economy by considering both positive as well as negative aspects of banks mergers. The paper also presents the history of Indian banking and recommending a way forward.  相似文献   

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Heylen  Freddy  Everaert  Gerdie 《Public Choice》2000,105(1-2):103-124
This paper tests five hypotheses explaining thesuccess and failure of fiscal consolidation in amultivariate regression framework. These hypothesesconcern (i) the composition of the consolidationprogramme, (ii) its size and persistence, (iii) thegravity of the debt situation, (iv) the influence ofthe international macroeconomic environment and (v) thecontribution of a preceding devaluation. To testfor composition effects we use cyclically-adjusteddata. Although many conclusions of the existingempirical literature are confirmed, some do notsurvive. A popular hypothesis – that to succeed, consolidationshould rely on cutting the government wagebill – is rejected. A new empirical result is that thecontribution of a devaluation to the success of fiscalconsolidation depends on the composition of theconsolidation programme.  相似文献   

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Many questions remain about the causes and implications of state government reorganization. Using an original data set on agency consolidation in the states between 1950 and 1992, we show that executive branch restructuring occurs incrementally as well as through better recognized comprehensive reorganization. With continuous state-space modeling we show that these different reform paths are related and driven by distinct political and economic conditions. We also show that, contrary to previous findings, state attempts to alter their administrative organizations do impact long-term employment growth rates. Although smaller in magnitude, incremental as well as comprehensive reforms can enhance administrative efficiency. Further, unlike the Baumgartner and Jones (1993, 2002) punctuated-equilibrium model, we do not find evidence that incrementalism gives way to bursts of nonincremental change. Rather, incremental adjustments to the status quo may be sufficient to reduce the possibility the possibility of comprehensive reorganization at any point in the future.  相似文献   

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新型治理:韩国民主进程中的市民组织   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近些年来,在以发展型国家著称的韩国,公民参与政策过程的影响不断增强.本文分析了韩国民主巩固进程中市民组织的政治化问题.论文通过分析市民组织在政策过程中的三个政治活动案例,揭示了韩国市民组织的组织特征和政治功能,最后还对韩国市民组织的特征与日本市民组织的特征进行了比较,并对韩国政治中市民组织在新型治理中的作用及其前景进行了评价.  相似文献   

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According to important parts of the literature, blame avoidance opportunities, i.e. the necessity and applicability of blame avoidance strategies, may differ between countries according to the respective institutional set-ups and between governing parties according to their programmatic orientation. In countries with many veto actors, a strategy of ‘Institutional Cooperation’ between these actors is expected to diffuse blame sufficiently to render other blame avoidance strategies obsolete. In contrast, governments in Westminster-style democracies should resort to the more unilateral strategies of presentation, policy design and timing. At the same time, left-wing parties are expected to have an easier time implementing spending cuts while right-wing parties are less vulnerable when proposing tax increases. Evidence from the politics of budget consolidation in Britain and Germany does not corroborate these hypotheses. Instead, it seems that party competition conditions the effects institutions and the partisan complexion of governments have on the politics of blame avoidance.  相似文献   

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