"体面的劳动"

在经济全球化的背景下,国际劳工组织在1999年第87届年会上提出了"体面的劳动"的概念,认为其意义在于:它是一项反映了全体人民共同愿望的目标,提供了一个政策框架,也是组织计划和活动的一种方法,为外部对话和伙伴关系提供了一个讲坛."体面的劳动"的提出与全球化背景下的社会正义相关.由于发达国家与发展中国家的发展水平不同,经济全球化对各国产生的影响和带来的利益不尽相同.如何在追求"体面的劳动"目标的同时,保护发展中国家及这些国家工人的利益,这是需要考虑的一个现实问题.     

‘My private kingdom and sometimes my private jail’ The meaning of home in the lives of Bedouin women: changes in the home and social spaces and their implications for Bedouin women

Home has always been significant in the lives of Bedouin women. At times it has been considered a ‘private kingdom’ – an intimate space, a jurisdiction, a sphere of influence and a space of creativity and well-being. In other periods it has been perceived as a ‘private jail’ – suffocating and limiting. The Bedouin communities in southern Israel, which are part of the country’s Arab-Palestinian population, are undergoing major changes – cultural and social, as well as in the form of settlement – imposed largely by the state. The external form of the Bedouin home has changed too, from a tent to a cement-block house, from an open structure to a closed one, from being part of the open space of the desert to being a limited space in a neighbourhood. To understand the changing meaning of home for Bedouin women during this transition, I conducted a narrative study with 30 women who live today in permanent settlements, but who represent three generations that correspond to three periods of settlement and three housing types. I found that each generation ascribes different meanings to the home.     

activist-mothers maybe,sisters surely? Black British feminism,absence and transformation

This article, drawing on selected feminist magazines of the 1980s, particularly Feminist Arts News (FAN) and GEN, offers a textual ‘braiding’ of narratives to re-present a history of Black British feminism. I attempt to chart a history of Black British feminist inheritance while proposing the politics of (other)mothering as a politics of potential, pluralistic and democratic community building, where Black thought and everyday living carry a primary and participant role. The personal—mothering our children—is the political, affording a nurturing of alterity through a politics of care that is fundamentally antiracist and antisexist. I attempt to show how Black feminist thought can significantly contribute to democracy in the present and how Black British history and thought, as fundamentally antiracist and anticolonial, can generate a reinvention much needed in the present of a shared British history. I argue for feminist intervention premised upon a politics of care, addressing through activist mothering the urgency of Black absence from prestigious institutions. Such debilitating absence in Britain inhibits the development of scholarship, distorts feminist history and seriously concerns potential Black feminists. From diverse texts, I develop a genealogical narrative supplemented through memory work. This ‘gathering and re-using’ privileges Black women’s theorising as a crucial component of the methodological métissage, which includes auto-theorising to develop ideas of resemblance in relation to Black British feminism and feminist kinship. The resultant ‘braiding’, I suggest after Lionnet, questions the absence of intersubjective spaces for reflection on Black British feminist praxis, indicating a direction for British feminists of all complexions. Attentive to the 1980s as historical context while invoking the maternal, I consider what is required to engage generationally, counterwrite the academy and pursue a dynamic process of transformation within a transnational feminism that challenges Black British absence from academic knowledge production, while nurturing its presence.     

Transforming Perspectives in Children and Youth Education

The purpose of this chapter is to present a new understanding of child and youth care education. The competence perspective, adequate for the training of workers in a specific role, is . less effective in a diversified and maturing profession. To develop new, perspectives that can provide flexibility to perform effectively . in a variety of contexts an educational model must be employed. Ode distinction between a training and an educational model is the opportunity for students to become aware of the assumptions that they maintain about themselves and their world. A transactional perspective is a complementary and necessary component of an educational model in child and youth care, enabling a professional to apply skills and knowledge in a variety of contexts. Child and youth care educators are presented with the task to adjust their curriculum in a manner that facilitates a process of perspective transformation.     

Conserving the Principle of Identity: Identity,Representation and Equivalence

Howie recognizes as a starting position that there is a significant and political problem with judgements that presume an easy and unrestrained identification of a thing or a person, but she is sceptical that all judgements of identity are necessarily implicated in the same politics. She investigates how 'identity' functions in logic, judgement and epistemology, and argues that a dialectical understanding of identity provides the grounds both for a realist appreciation of the world that includes a subjective element and for a recognition that a subject both is and is not how she is and has been identified.     

Performing the Filipina “mail-order bride”: Queer neoliberalism,affective labor,and homonationalism

The 2005 video/performance art piece, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride, by the Filipina American performance-art ensemble, the Mail Order Brides, examines the role of affective labor in constituting gay marriage as a form of US homonational belonging. In a contemporary context of capitalist globalization, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride critiques the subjugation of the third-world woman worker within a queer neoliberal logic, highlighting the inability of the mainstream US LGBT movement to address issues of race, migration, and labor. The Mail Order Brides enact forms of feminist camp and ethnic drag to denaturalize the affective labor that is embodied within the figure of the Filipina “mail-order bride.” In doing so, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride links an analysis of transnational Filipina labor with a critique of queer cultural politics in the US In its critique of queer neoliberalism, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride builds on and contributes to queer of color social movements committed to racial and economic justice.     

关注弱势群体构建和谐社会

社会弱势群体是我国经济转轨和社会转型的产物。扶助弱势群体是构建社会主义和谐社会的必然要求,有助于维护社会公正,促进社会稳定,巩固党的执政基础。解决弱势群体问题应从以下方面着手:加速经济发展,改善弱势群体的生存和发展环境;以社会公正原则为导向,建立健全利益均衡机制;规范和拓展利益表达渠道,建立健全畅通的利益表达机制;大力扶植社会中产阶层,使之成为社会的主体部分和中间力量;突出弱势关怀,营造一个扶助弱势群体的社会大环境。     

The corporate shaping of GM crops as a technology for the poor

The status of international agricultural research as a global public good (GPG) has been widely accepted since the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. While the term was not used at the time of its creation, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) system that evolved at that time has been described as a ‘prime example of the promise, performance and perils of an international approach to providing GPGs’. Contemporary literature on international agricultural research as a GPG tends to support this view and focuses on how to operationalize the concept. This paper adopts a different starting point and questions this conceptualization of the CGIAR and its outputs. It questions the appropriateness of such a ‘neutral’ concept to a system born of the imperatives of Cold War geopolitics, and shaped by a history of attempts to secure its relevance in a changing world. This paper draws on a multi-sited, ethnographic study of a research effort highlighted by the CGIAR as an exemplar of GPG-oriented research. Behind the ubiquitous language of GPGs, ‘partnership’ and ‘consensus’, however, new forms of exclusion and restriction are emerging within everyday practice, reproducing North–South inequalities and undermining the ability of these programmes to respond to the needs of projected beneficiaries.     

Using “The gun act”: Federal regulation and the politics of the strike threat during World War I

This study examines the working-class custom of “can rushing,” a.k.a. “rushing the growler,” which was the common saloon-era practice of carrying alcohol (usually beer) from a saloon in a pail for consumption elsewhere. The ubiquitous saloon served as one of the most contentious spaces between the middle class and a burgeoning working class during the Gilded Age/Progressive Era, and reformers attacked it as a blight on their communities and working-class drinking customs as a threat to a moral and orderly society. Reformers' efforts to restrict can rushing was part of a larger effort to impose middle-class control over workers' leisure activities and their parental prerogatives. For much of the working class the saloon and the cultural mores that surrounded it were a mainstay of their culture. While men were the primary customers of the saloon's interior, “rushing the growler” turned women and children into saloon customers as well. Reformers portrayed this practice as the lowest form of saloon patronage for men, while at the same time arguing that it was a dire threat to the moral welfare of women and children. Much of the working class, however, viewed this practice as an efficient and economical way to consume alcohol in the workplace, on the street, and in the home. This study will consider how the struggle over can rushing politicized this cherished working-class leisure activity.     

我国城市人才争夺战的比较与思考

人才是第一资源,是国家、地区经济结构转型的动力引擎,更是提升城市功能的关键要素。自2017年初以来,一二三四线约60城先后掀起"抢人大战",城市间的人才竞争愈演愈烈,如何吸引人才、留住人才、用好人才,已成为各大城市经济发展的关键突破口。在对比分析一、二线主要城市人才争夺现状的基础上,指出存在的问题,探索人才争夺战背后的深层次原因,提出了推进城市在人才争夺战中致胜的对策。     

‘Getting Out and Getting Away’: Women's Narratives of Class Mobility

This article is concerned with the ways in which women narrate a move from a ‘working-class’ position to a position marked (in however fragmentary and complex a way) as ‘middle class’. While such a move might be seen in terms of a straightforward escape from a disadvantaged social position, I argue here that what has to be analysed is the pain and the sense of estrangement associated with this class movement.Drawing on the class narratives of a group of seven white British women, the article uses Bourdieu's concepts of symbolic capital and habitus to explore the cultural and symbolic configurations of class. These configurations may be inscribed into the self, so that the self, itself, is class marked. Since working-class selves are frequently marked in pathological terms, this raises particular difficulties for the idea of an ‘escape’ from such a position. Class in this sense is embedded in people's history and so cannot be so easily ‘escaped’. The usual conventions of life-narratives – in which the self remains the same entity from birth to death and later events are a culmination of earlier ones – are also disrupted in this case.But if a working-class position is marked as pathological, so too is taking on the markers of middle-class existence. To do so is not only to risk ‘getting it wrong’, but it is also to risk the scorn attached to ‘pretentiousness’. There is a particular jeopardy here for women, since it is women who have been especially associated with desires for artefacts associated with bourgeois existence. The article argues for a focus for classed desires and class envy, not in pathological terms, but in terms of a coherent response to political and social exclusions.     

A coffin worker and the labor problem: Ethelbert Stewart and Henry Demarest Lloyd

This is the story of how the working class in the downriver Detroit region participated in efforts to make the Pointe Mouillée Wildlife Refuge a viable, unpolluted, public hunting ground, accessible to all and to keep it that way throughout the twentieth century. This is a genealogy or micro-history of a small, wet place that served as source of a primarily white, male, working-class culture and identity throughout the twentieth century. Local, downriver citizens, many of them members of the working class, participated in sportsmen's organizations and lobbied and worked with a variety of state agencies to accomplish this goal. They participated in establishing an environmental ethic and culture around the outdoor activities connected to this place – duck hunting, trapping, and fishing. That desire to ‘produce’ a certain space reflected class interests and history. It reveals a hidden aspect of the agency of one large segment of the downriver working-class community.     

Is international agricultural research a global public good? The case of rice biofortification

The status of international agricultural research as a global public good (GPG) has been widely accepted since the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. While the term was not used at the time of its creation, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) system that evolved at that time has been described as a 'prime example of the promise, performance and perils of an international approach to providing GPGs'. Contemporary literature on international agricultural research as a GPG tends to support this view and focuses on how to operationalize the concept. This paper adopts a different starting point and questions this conceptualization of the CGIAR and its outputs. It questions the appropriateness of such a 'neutral' concept to a system born of the imperatives of Cold War geopolitics, and shaped by a history of attempts to secure its relevance in a changing world. This paper draws on a multi-sited, ethnographic study of a research effort highlighted by the CGIAR as an exemplar of GPG-oriented research. Behind the ubiquitous language of GPGs, 'partnership' and 'consensus', however, new forms of exclusion and restriction are emerging within everyday practice, reproducing North-South inequalities and undermining the ability of these programmes to respond to the needs of projected beneficiaries.     

Attention under repair: asceticism from self-care to care of the self

This essay examines the contemporary mindfulness movement as a cultural response to a larger problem of attention in the United States. As raw material for both capital (re)production and subjectivity, attention is a zone of indeterminacy and struggle for workers in a so-called immaterial economy. This essay suggests that the rise of concern around “paying attention” from the 1950s onward is driven by post-Fordist labor requirements more than networked technologies. First, it examines mindfulness as a technique of attention management for businesses and gives a broad survey of its current popularity and prevalence in US culture. Second, it proposes viewing techniques of attention like mindfulness through a triple lens of repair: (1) as managerial tools to repair psychic labor capacity for capital; (2) as practices that subjects use to repair alienation; and (3) as sites for reparative reading. Third, the essay illuminates the ties between Eve Sedgwick’s repair and Michel Foucault’s care of the self in order to suggest that resistance to practicing the self is founded on a paranoid defense. Its central argument is that attention is a method in Foucault's care of the self, and, as such, a potential portal into pleasure and political change rather than a mere feedback loop into capital.     

Becoming Responsible with Solar Power? Extending Feminist Imaginings of Community,Participation and Care

ABSTRACT

Solar power has long incited feminist imaginings of socio-environmental justice and a commoning of energy, despite its associations with military technology and precarious labour. This article addresses the question of responsible collaboration with a form of power that remains indifferent to human pursuits. It does so through a situated inquiry into a solar energy initiative in the Czech Republic considered as a technoecological phenomenon. Feminist technoecology is developed in terms of a double process of associations and dissociations – or technoecological dis/articulation – through which a collective and its milieu and ethos are constituted. It thereby attends to the immanent tensions and exclusions in the economic, political and ecological work of solar panels in particular encounters, including relations with the land and racialised labour, that differentially produce an ethos of interest and indifference. In this light, the non-participation of local Roma in the solar installation does not signal the absence of a relation but makes responsiveness, and responsibility, towards the indifference they constitute, possible. In a mode of speculative re-articulation, immanent frictions and potentialities are reworked to expand an ethos of caring and communing that incorporates extinguishment, non-participation and indifference.     

Workers,parties and a “New Deal:” A comparative analysis of corporatist alliances in Mexico,and the United States, 1910–1940

Mexico experienced the twentieth century’s first social revolution, a decade of struggle from which emerged a new political regime – a post-revolutionary authoritarian or single-party state one – with President Lázaro Cárdenas as leader by 1934. This post-revolutionary creation included organized labor and peasants, a strong interventionist state and a hegemonic party. Cárdenas’ U.S. counterpart, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, too, was leading dramatic ‘New Deal’ institutional and political revolution in the 1930s and 1940s that spawned a new order of expanded federal government, a renovated Democratic Party, and new movements and interest groups, notably, labor. Both nations featured the same major actors: the state, political parties, and organized labor. Both presidents calculated that preserving labor alliances was crucial for formation and legitimization of a new political order, for maintaining conditions conducive to private-sector investment and economic growth, and for political and economic crisis management. Labor’s growing role reshuffled corporatist alliances within and between international neighbors. This study places Mexico and the United States in comparative context in the early twentieth century and analyzes elite control and inclusion of organized labor in transformation of political landscapes in two different political regimes – a democratic one couched in an established constitution and a post-revolutionary authoritarian one born of a bloody upheaval.     

Book Review: Magic,body and social order

Specifically designed for single‐family use, the type‐planned house of the 1940s was a new form of dwelling. As a social system and in the domestic practice upheld by them, these houses differed from previous housing models in Finland. In rural and urban areas, these architecturally conventional and characterless houses were built using ready‐made type drawings, and according to a fixed set of housing principles. The prevalent view of the proper organization of everyday life reached its most tangible monument in the architecture of these houses; they were “model houses for model families”. Instead of a purely aesthetical perspective, this study analyses the housing ideology and the notions of family and gender implanted in their architecture. Crucial is the concept of dwelling: dwelling is analysed as a cultural signifying system, in which‐spatial arrangement produces and maintains a certain ideology, conventions of behaviour, and notions of family and gender. Accordingly, it controls and orders people's lives, and also structures gender identities at a certain level. In creating a new differentiation of space, the type‐planned house also differentiated the genders.     

Hurricane Sandy in Vogue

New York Vogue published a photographic feature just over two months after Hurricane Sandy hit the Eastern seaboard of the USA, to commemorate the work of New York City emergency responders in the wake of the disaster. Juxtaposing fashionably clad models with responders, the feature invoked a gendered and classed rhetoric of fashion, crisis, and temporality to create both a memory of the disaster, and a vision of the metropolis and its future. This article draws on fashion theory, critical disaster studies, and urban geography to show that the feature is emblematic of an emergent approach to disaster recovery and urban development under neoliberalism. In particular, disaster management and recovery protocols benefit from the complex temporality of fashion, with its simultaneous deployment of past, present, and future, to sketch a possible rebuilding of New York City that benefits the transnational capitalist class for whom urban development is increasingly tailored. A close reading of the logics of class, race, and gender in the photographs shows that the imagined future towards which New York's recovery from Sandy might proceed is characterized by a contingent ‘whitening’ of people of colour as they ascend to a transnational elite, and a conception of the city as a site for gendered leisure rather than a zone of social inequalities.     

The Uniform Civil Code: The Politics of the Universal in Postcolonial India

This article speaks of a debate in contemporary India: that surrounding the validity of enacting a civil code that applies uniformly to all communities and religions in the state. In certain feminist arguments, such a code is seen as possibly providing a sphere of rights to Indian women that is alternative to the rights – or wrongs – given to them by the plural religious laws, which form the basis of the civil law in India. India, however, is a heterogeneous polity, encompassing a diversity of cultures and religions, some dominant and others forming minorities. Given these differences, some critics see the feminist call for a Uniform Civil Code as an essentialist move that prioritises gender over other agendas and politics. They argue that the site of the ‚universal’ in this feminist move is a liberal site that inherently excludes marginalised Others and benefits the dominant subjects in India. In my article, I contest this critique and question whether the site of the universal and its authorial subject in postcolonial India is, in fact, an exclusionary liberal ruse of power. I draw insights from the history of the formation of the postcolonial nation-state in India to posit an experience of the state and the universal within it, which is alternative to the Western liberal model. The aim of this article is, therefore, not so much to debate the in/validity of a Uniform Civil Code, as to address certain contemporary post-structuralist critiques of the site of the universal in postcolonial India and posit a departure from them, based on perspectives drawn from history.     

Coping with disaster: The case of Israeli adolescents under threat of missile attack

This study examined the relationship of coping resources, optimism, perceived control, and coping strategies, to anxiety, to physical symptoms, and cognitive functioning in a group of Israeli adolescents during a real crisis situation. Data were gathered via structured questionnaires on a sample of 109 adolescents (69 males, 40 females) during the Persian Gulf War. Although adolescents reported a mixture of palliative and active coping strategies, it was the use of palliative coping efforts that predicted greater anxiety and physical symptoms. That active coping did not meaningfully predict negative stress reactions may have been a function of the severity of the stressor and the resultant high levels of anxiety that were engendered. The implications of this study for stress and coping in a naturalistic traumatic situation were discussed.