《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》中公正审判权的保留问题探析

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的执行机构人权事务委员会从提出保留的限制条件、保留是否有效的判断机关以及无效保留的法律后果等三个方面对公约的保留问题表明了自己的态度。为了不至于违反公约规定的国际义务,在批准公约时,有些国家根据自己的情况对公正审判权提出了保留。考虑到我国的实际情况,我国在批准公约时,应当对公正审判权的适用范围和得益于较轻刑罚的权利提出保留。     

Freedom of Opinion and Freedom of Expression: Some Reflections on General Comment No. 34 of the Un Human Rights Committee

The United Nations Human Rights Committee is a body of 18 independent experts (including a member from the Netherlands, Professor Cees Flinterman) who are tasked with monitoring compliance with the provisions of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (in force 23 March 1976). The Committee deploys four principal activities — periodic examination of State Party reports, interpretation and progressive development of the provisions of the Covenant in the form of General Comments, and adjudication of individual complaints under the Optional Protocol, as well as follow-up procedures. This article analyzes the Committee’s second General Comment on Article 19 of the Covenant, which stipulates freedom of opinion and freedom of expression. In 52 paragraphs the General Comment systematically examines, defines and delimits the concepts contained in the three subparagraphs of Article 19, basing itself primarily on the Committee’s concluding observations upon examination of State Party reports and on the case-law in response to petitions under the Optional Protocol. The Committee highlights the primacy of freedom of opinion, recognizing that it is crucial for a democratic society that persons have access to truthful, reliable and pluralistic information, including through the internet, in order to develop a personal opinion whose expression must then be protected by law. The Committee notes, however, that whereas it is inadmissible to impose any restrictions on freedom of opinion, there are certain responsibilities that attach to the exercise of freedom of expression, namely the respect of the reputation of others as well as considerations of health, morals and national security. The Committee holds that so-called ‘memory laws’ as well as blasphemy laws are incompatible with Article 19 and that defamation laws must strike a balance between competing rights and interests. Paragraph 49 of the General Comment clearly affirms the right to hold non-conformist historical views and the right to be wrong. While it is not the function of lawyers or judges to establish what historical truth is, Article 20 of the Covenant imposes an obligation on governments to prohibit incitement to racial hatred or violence, the criminalization of which requires narrow definition of the elements of the crime.

     

China and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Prospects and Challenges

This article looks at China's engagement with internationalhuman rights treaties and the extent to which this is bringingunderstanding of, and compliance with, international human rightsnorms as a background to China's possible ratification of theInternational Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).It explores, in respect of two particular articles in the ICCPR,Article 14 and Article 6(2), where China stands with its currentdomestic legislation and practice in terms of conformity andargues that there still needs to be significant legal reformin the area of fair trial issues and the use of death penaltybefore ratification is possible. Finally, it looks at the stateof civil and political rights in China and the problem of democracyand concludes that although China will unquestionably ratifythe ICCPR, change will still be gradual.     

人身保护令与人权保障——以刑事诉讼为主视角

人身保护令是发源于英国并盛行于普通法系国家,且为联合国以及区域国际公约所确认的一项司法救济程序制度。本文在较为全面地考察西方人身保护令制度的历史发展和当今国际社会适用该项制度情况的基础上,对我国已签署的联合国《公民权利和政治权利公约》未来批准后履行该公约以及制定中国的人身保护法问题提出了初步建议。     

公正审判标准与我国刑事诉讼法再修改

近年来，尽管我国刑事诉讼在公正审判方面已经取得了很大进步，但同《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》所确定的公正审判权标准相比仍然存在较大差距。如何改革我国刑事诉讼制度，以便贯彻落实《公约》所规定的公正审判权，已经成为我国亟待解决的重大理论课题和现实问题。要想使我国真正地实现《公约》所规定的公正审判权标准，不仅需要紧紧围绕公正审判权进行刑事诉讼制度改革，而且需要对其他与之相关的制度进行配套改革。     

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的实施机制

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》实施机制的基础是条约义务。从国际层面上讲 ,实施机制的目的是监督《公约》在缔约国的执行 ;从国内层面上讲 ,缔约国应采取立法、司法等措施履行《公约》。这就要求缔约国在“条约必须信守”的原则之下 ,解决条约与国内法的关系问题 ,即在宪法中给条约以适当地位 ,以便于条约 (包括《公约》)在国内的适用 ,而不论是直接或是间接适用。这样才能达到国际社会制定《公约》而国家批准或加入《公约》的目的 ,也才可能改变《公约》实施机制软弱乏力的局面。     

论行政行为的追认

行政行为的追认制度以实质法治主义、信赖保护原则等为理论基础,吸收了民事追认的若干合理成分,其核心内容是追认的条件与效力起始。在借鉴域外立法经验的基础上,构建我国行政行为追认制度是可行的和必要的。     

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的保留和解释性声明

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》没有明文规定保留问题 ,这意味着允许缔约国提出符合该公约的目的和宗旨的保留或解释性声明 ;对该公约的强制性条款的保留、模糊的或一般性的保留 ,往往被认为是不可接受的 ;对该公约的强制性条款不宜提出保留 ,但可以作出解释性声明 ;对该公约的非强制性条款可以提出保留也可作出解释性声明 ;各国的保留和解释性声明是从自己的国情出发的 ,表明了国际人权保护的特殊性。其他国家的保留或解释性声明以及反对意见 ,对我国提出保留或解释性声明、解释和适用该公约、完善我国的相关法律 ,都有重要借鉴意义。     

“Error But Without Malice” in Defamation of Public Officials: The Value of Free Expression in International Human Rights Law

Government officials in various parts of the world use defamation to silence critics, but defamation liability may curtail freedom of expression on topics of public interest and undermine human rights generally. Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantees freedom of expression unless a state can show need to protect individual reputation and acts proportionally. In its adjudication of complaints for violations of Article 19, and in its General Comment 34, the United Nations Human Rights Committee has crafted the principle that defamation liability may not be imposed if an erroneous statement about a public official was made in “error but without malice.” Although soft law, General Comment 34 represents the committee's most compelling articulation of the values animating freedom of expression in international human rights law, and chief among the values is the role played by free expression to promote realization of all human rights.     

论全国人大常务委员会法律统一解释体制构建

1982年《宪法》明确赋予了全国人大常务委员会法律解释权、法律修改权与非基本法律制定权.2000年《立法法》进一步明确了全国人大常务委员会法律解释程序.从2000年开始全国人大常务委员会充分地行使了法律解释权,针对《刑法》共颁布了九个立法解释,由此也引发了刑法立法解释与刑法司法解释如何区分,是否有独立存在意义的争议.通过对刑法立法解释的实证分析,我们可以发现全国人大常务委会法律解释体制的特征不在于其解释方法的特殊性,而是其特殊的法律统一解释功能.在社会主义法律体系逐步完备之后,如何保障法律体系内部的协调,将成为越来越重要的任务.全国人大常务委会法律解释体制应承担此重要的功能,这既是1982年《宪法》所赋予的权力,也是构建宪政国家不可或缺的环节.应基于这种法律统一解释功能来构建全国人大常务委员会的法律解释程序.     

“Not to Disclose Information Sources”: Journalistic Privilege Under Article 19 of ICCPR

International law took a significant step in recent years toward protection of journalists' sources and newsgathering processes. The international law journalistic privilege previously had been upheld by international tribunals, but it was not until 2011 that the United Nations Human Rights Committee adopted an interpretation of freedom of expression that included journalistic privilege. The presence of the privilege within freedom of expression, as recognized in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, is important for several reasons. As part of freedom of expression, the privilege may not be overcome without a showing of necessity and proportionality, is not subject to a margin of appreciation, and is entitled to full realization by the 168 nations that have signed and ratified ICCPR.     

关于改革、完善我国刑事辩护制度的几个重要问题

我国签署《公民权利与政治权利国际公约》已10年,十一届全国人大将重新启动对刑事诉讼法的再度修改,改革、完善我国刑事辩护制度应是这次修改的重点。本文结合《公约》的有关要求,仅就其中三个重要问题,即确立无罪推定的原则和不被强迫自证其罪的权利以及新《律师法》与现行《刑事诉讼法》有关规定不相一致的问题展开探讨。     

经济、社会和文化权利可诉性问题探析

我国自2001年批准加入《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》以来，有关经济、社会和文化权利是否具有可诉性的问题一直存在争论。近年来，经济、社会和文化权利具有可诉性的观点开始得到越来越多的国家的支持。立足于我国国情，从多方面完善经济、社会和文化权利保障制度，并在对经济、社会和文化权利进行分层分类的基础上，探索经济、社会和文化权利可诉性的理论和制度，将是法律制度发展的一条可行道路。     

Therapeutic cloning in Australia: one small stem from man, one giant leap for mankind

In 2002 the Australian Parliament enacted legislation which prohibited both therapeutic and reproductive embryonic cloning. Just four years later, in December 2006, this same legislation was amended, reversing the prohibition on therapeutic cloning, while retaining the ban on reproductive cloning. The Prime Minister, sensing the political mood, allowed a conscience vote. This contrasted with his decision several months earlier against introducing any changes to the 2002 Act, despite 54 recommendations having been made by a Statutory Review Committee. Approval of the legislation had as much to do with the careful drafting of the provisions as with any rational, social or scientific factor. The legislation is narrow in scope, retains an absolute prohibition on reproductive cloning and contains strict regulations with heavy criminal penalties. The Act requires a review after three years. A number of questions remain. Does stem cell research demand a global rather than a local approach, by way of an international Covenant? Does the legal status of a cloned embryo need further examination? Will the embryo have a separate legal standing recognised by law? These are some of the questions which will need addressing as the law tries to keep up with science.     

‘Playing the Judicial Card’: Litigation Strategies during the Process of Ratification of the Lisbon Treaty

During the process of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, a number of constitutional jurisdictions were activated by political actors. In playing ‘the judicial card’, opponents of ratification decided to seek political goals through judicial means, and thus they were obliged to develop litigation strategies. This article explores such strategies and the responses that courts gave them. It shows that constitutional proceedings with regards to the Lisbon Treaty became a political battleground governed by legal logics, in which the interpretation of European clauses, the democratic deficit of the Union and the tensions underlying the European judicial dialogue were privileged objects of discussion between claimants and courts in which law and politics intertwined.     

The effects of treaty legality and domestic institutional hurdles on environmental treaty ratification

We study the effects of treaty design and domestic institutional hurdles on the ratification behavior of states with respect to multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). Specifically, we examine whether (1) strong legality mandated by a treaty such as precisely stated obligations, strong monitoring/enforcement mechanisms, and dispute resolution procedures, and (2) high domestic constitutional hurdles such as requirements for explicit legislative approval deter countries from ratifying a treaty. To test our theoretical claim, we use a new time-series-cross-sectional dataset that includes information on the ratification behavior of 162 countries with respect to 220 MEAs in 1950–2000. We find that treaties that are characterized as ‘hard’ indeed deter ratification. Furthermore, explicit legislative approval requiring supermajority also makes treaty ratification less likely.     

国际人权与死刑──以国际人权法为线索的分析兼及中国的应对

国际人权法对死刑的态度经历了由放任到限制再到废除的转变。《世界人权宣言》对死刑以沉默显示放任;《公民权利与政治权利国际公约》等对死刑转向了限制;《旨在废除死刑的〈公民权利与政治权利国际公约〉第二议定书》等对死刑明令废除。中国现行死刑制度与国际人权法的要求尚存较大距离,应该采取必要的应对措施尽快缩短这一距离。     

经济、社会和文化权利国际救济机制的新突破——《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约任择议定书》述评

由于条约实施机制存在缺陷,《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》所规定的社会权在国际层面一直得不到有效救济。这一状况对国际人权保护的连贯性和整体性产生了长久的负面影响。2008年12月10日,联合国大会通过了《（经济、社会和文化权利国际公约）任择议定书》。在缔约国报告程序之外,议定书还确立了个人来文程序、国家来文程序、调查程序三位一体的准司法性权利救济程序。这将会大大加强对个人社会权的国际保护,结束社会权与公民权国际保护不平衡的局面,进一步完善国际人权法体系,从而推动国际人权保护事业的发展。     

A contingency theory of policy innovation: how different theories explain the ratification of the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol

This article tests theories, elaborated by rationalists, constructivists, and network theorists, that explain the ratification of international environmental treaties. Rationalists argue that countries’ material self-interest and political and economic conditions affect the likelihood of countries ratifying treaties. Constructivists argue that countries are influenced by exposure to world society. Structural embeddedness theory argues that countries are influenced by neighboring countries, religion, language, and economic peers, and those whom they have network ties to via diplomatic relations and IGO memberships. The article is a study of how these factors affected the ratification of two environmental treaties: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol. The results show that political and economic factors, peer behavior, and network ties were more important in explaining the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol than the UNFCCC. Similar to von Stein (J Conflict Resolut 52:243–268, 2008), it found that exposure to world society was important in the UNFCCC. The authors suggested that the differences were due to the demands which the Kyoto Protocol placed on countries in contrast to the “softness” of the UNFCCC. They also discussed how social influence—based on a variety of inter-governmental relations and affiliations—may signal a change in the structure of the global environmental regime and how it conducts its business.     

Constitutional Comparisons by A Supranational Court in Flux: The Privy Council and Caribbean Bills of Rights

This article examines how the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council makes constitutional comparisons between ‘related’ constitutions that are or were within its jurisdiction, deploying its own precedents, as a pragmatic method of resolving idiosyncratic questions that arise across multiple constitutions. In particular, it considers the Committee's approach to the longstanding question of the interpretation of the opening section of Caribbean constitutional bills of rights, which has far reaching implications for the scope of constitutional protection of human rights. The JCPC's answer over time to this question reveals the fault lines for this supranational constitutional court as its jurisdiction peters out yet remains. The gaze of comparativism is very harsh as older constitutions are evaluated in light of newer ones and also as fossilised constitutional interpretations presented in earlier JCPC cases where the Committee no longer has jurisdiction are given new life in contemporary cases.