The New Arab Media Phenomenon: Qatar's Al-Jazeera

This paper was given at the thirty-fourth annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association, November 16–19, 2000, in Orlando, Florida.     

政治取向与美国对华政策

众所周知,美国民主党和共和党内部在中国问题上都存在分歧,但很少有人知道,典型的美国人的政治取向如何影响他们对中国崛起的看法、对中国政府的态度、对中国人的偏见,以及他们所偏好的美国对华政策.全国性的民意测验一般都没有提出可以帮助我们分辨带有政治取向性的、数量足够的、有细微差别的关于中国的问题.根据我们自己的调查,我们发现政治取向确实影响美国人对中国的看法.较之自认为是自由派的人来说,那些自认为是"保守派"的人中有很多把中国的崛起看作是一个更大的威胁,对中国政府持更负面的看法,对中国人也表现出更多的偏见,而且主张更强硬的美国对华政策.就党派归属而言,与独立人士和民主党相比,共和党把中国看作是更大的威胁,鼓吹更为强硬的对华政策,但是党派归属对偏见的深浅程度没有影响.包含教育/收入、性别和年龄等变量的联立多元回归分析(simuitaneous multiple regressions)显示,尽管这些变量一定程度上影响了美国人对中国的看法,但比起政治取向来说,它们的影响是微不足道的.     

论美国的医疗卫生费用控制

美国是世界上医疗卫生费用最高的国家.从20世纪70年代起,美国政府和私人部门从管理和竞争的理念出发,采取了许多措施来控制不断上涨的健康照顾费用.但效果并不十分理想,而且还产生了一些严重后果.费用控制仍将是今后美国医疗改革的重点之一.     

台湾海归与台湾政治

对20世纪80年代以来台湾历任最高领导人及各部委第一负责人最高学历的分析统计显示,在美国、欧洲地区各国及日本名校获得高学历之海归人士,已经构成台湾政坛的精英主体。本文梳理台湾政坛海归的基本构成、比例及影响,剖析台湾海归在台湾政治中具有的特殊软实力,同时也指出他们的政治软肋,评介台湾当局成文与不成文的相关政策法规,深化对海归参政之现实意义的认识。     

The Costs and Benefits of Party Switching in Mexico

Are party switchers successful at furthering their careers? Most research on party switching focuses on the decision to switch and with which party to affiliate. Less attention is paid to the costs and benefits of switching parties. Moreover, previous research examining the electoral success of party switchers has often ignored how costs vary between the candidate selection process and the general election. This study addresses this gap in the literature by using original data on the careers of Mexican federal deputies to examine the costs and benefits of switching parties at the candidate selection stage and during general elections. The results suggest that party switchers are more successful at winning ballot access than nonswitchers but are less likely to win office. These results help explain why ambitious politicians would switch parties, given the known risks of changing party affiliation.     

Debating Economic Democracy in South Korea: The Costs of Commensurability

ABSTRACT:

In the 2012 Korean presidential election, both liberal and conservative parties fought their campaigns on the slogan of “economic democratization,” marking a strong departure from past presidential elections and the growth-first policies of the then-incumbent conservative administration. Both parties pledged to tackle growing social polarization and the concentration of economic power by reforming the corporate governance of Korea's large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol), to the degree that chaebol reform itself became synonymous with economic democratization. This focus led to a series of heated exchanges among liberal-left reformers about the vision of economic democratization being promoted, with one camp favoring the creation of a “fair market” through the restructuring of the chaebol and another promoting the protection of the chaebol’s management rights over their affiliates as a desirable strategy for the creation of a Korean welfare state. This essay examines the long-standing tensions between these two liberal-left perspectives and argues that the capital-centric and market-based visions these camps promoted risk confining intellectual debate over the meaning of economic democracy within boundaries that serve dominant political interests.     

The Political Economy of Saudi Arabia

The Regional Co-operation for Development (RCD) was set up by the regional members of the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO), Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, in July 1964 to strengthen their socio-economic development. However, a number of financial, political and administrative difficulties made progress under RCD slow. Despite assurances to the contrary, the probable impetus behind the formation of RCD was the unease with the politico-military aspects of CENTO. However, RCD's political significance grew steadily, and that of CENTO declined correspondingly. Nevertheless, recognizing that RCD could not provide an effective military substitute, Iran and Turkey still attached value to CENTO. After twelve unsatisfactory years, the three regional Heads of State held a summit in Izmir on 22 April 1976, making amendments to the 1964 declaration. The Treaty of Izmir was signed in 1977 as the legal framework for RCD. Yet, RCD was unsuccessful. In January 1985, Turkey, Iran and Pakistan established a new organisation called the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO).     

普京改革的政治空间

从90年代初的俄罗斯激进改革直至普京执政以后逐渐形成中的稳定局面,表明一种曾经在20年代“新经济政策”时期之后以及法国大革命中出现过的激进—稳健—“政治保守”的历史逻辑,正在当代体制与社会转型的俄罗斯重演;通过对当前俄罗斯政治力量结构的分析,上述历史逻辑正在现存的俄各方的政治互动中得以实现。     

Political Aspects of The New Africa

In the following article Professor Da Silva Cunha, Under-Secretaryof State for the Overseas Territories in the Portuguese Government,one of the most brilliant jurists of the younger generationin his country, makes an analysis of Portugal's policy of integrationin her African Provinces in relation to black nationalism, Pan-Africanism,Communism and the other forces that today are asserting themselveson the African continent     

Conflict Stalemate in Morocco and Western Sahara: Natural Resources,Legitimacy and Political Recognition

This article addresses the role of natural resources in the protracted conflict between Morocco and Western Sahara. Drawing from literatures of political ecology and political science, the article argues that natural resources have been deeply implicated in the conflict over time, with resource-related developments lending legitimacy to each party in different ways. The complex political economy of resource exploitation and the associated geopolitical enjeux have led to the de facto recognition of Morocco's occupation, and the symbolic aspects of natural resources have lent the Sahrawi cause legitimacy and an important node around which allies can be mobilised. That sovereignty is contested has facilitated a discourse in a different, more powerful way than when it is not in question, particularly in the Sahrawi's capacity to invoke international law to support their case. Drawing on the cases of South Sudan and Indonesia, the article ends with a brief discussion of the potential of the region's high-value resources for peace-making activities.     

美国反垄断法价值取向的历史演变

〕经济效率作为美国反垄断法的价值取向并不是从《谢尔曼法》开始就已经确立。反垄断法最初的价值目标是模糊的,或是想同时追求多重目标。在后来的发展过程中,受到美国传统的社会政治理念影响,平民主义的价值观念曾主导美国的反垄断法。直到 20世纪 70年代以后,由于国内外经济环境的变化,再加上芝加哥学派对以往反垄断政策的批评,美国反垄断法才把经济效率作为其基本价值取向。     

The Political Implications of Russia's Resource-Based Economy

Abstract

A political economist explores the question of Russia's “resource curse.” He analyzes the links between resource wealth and politics, asking why resource-based economies are more likely than others to suffer from poor governance. In an investigation grounded in the political economy literature on the resource curse, several specific claims about the nature of politics and governance in resource-based economies are identified. Russia's recent experience is assessed in relation to those claims.