Deux poètes objectifs,voyants et insatiables de la Beauté——analyse comparée entre Rimbaud et Gu Cheng

本文将法国诗人兰波(1854-1891)与中国诗人顾城(1956-1993)作一比较。他们虽相隔一个世纪,但有很多相似的地方。他们都提出要以打乱一切感官感受,审视自己灵魂的方式使自己成为一个“通灵人”,把探索“未知世界”、引导人类走向未来当作诗人应尽的职责,而且都以自己的一生和诗歌作了试验;在诗歌艺术形式上,他们都把创作主体让位给更具力量的“另一个”:“我是另一个”;他们的诗歌语言都是新语言,现实事物不再是他们所比之物必不可少的参照物,他们的诗不再尊重人的具体的感官感受,而追求人们闻所未闻的真实;他们都看到了语言问题是诗歌的根本问题。     

Gains et pertes de la traduction poétique─—réeflexion à partir des versions chinoises des Illuminations

兰波的诗作以打破语言常规和感觉习惯为突出特征，这些特征既为批评家提供了多元阐释的空间，也为翻译者设置了难以逾越的障碍。由于中法两种语言编码的差异和文化背景的差异，由于诗人对本国语言的独特运用，中译本很难保留原作的全部文化内涵和文际关系，很难不造成语义流失。但由于汉语本身所特有的语法手段和词汇资源，由于每个译者对汉语的独特运用，中译本也可能会在某个层面上与原文相比有所增值，这种增值有时甚至与原作的总体追求相吻合。本文以兰波散文诗《彩图集》的中译本为分析实例，对诗歌翻译过程中的这些“得”与“失”展开思考。     

Le Président Nicolas Jannon,les deux éditions du Développement et une vision contre‐révolutionnaire et ‘parlementaire’ de la Constitution traditionnelle de la France

SUMMARY

In this article, Maria Sofia Corciulo analyses the political significance of the period of the Italian Restoration. The author suggests that the revolutions which took place in both Naples and Piedmont in 1820–21 affected the apparently static institutional tranquillity of the ‘restored’ Italy to such an extent that they represent a break from the preceding period—the Five-year Period, during which the Napoleonic institutions had been, anyway, partly retained. The revolutionary action which, as in Spain, was sparked by the military, was characterized by forms of participation and aims that constituted, at least where they could be fully expressed, the beginning of a new historical period, surely overshadowing that of Restoration: the Risorgimento. The Neapolitan Revolution was carried out under the banner of the most democratic principles of those years, as they had been sanctioned by the Constitution of Cadiz of 1812. Although the Italian revolutionaries of 1820–21 were defeated, the principles of the Cadiz Constitution remained vivid in the minds of the patriots, especially Neapolitans, in an intricate sectarian world, where even the participation of the most humble classes was welcome and accepted in the name of the egalitarian principles of the Carboneria. The article suggests that this Revolution spelled the de facto end of the Restoration, even it was to continue to exist de jure, in its limited dynastic sense. This is true not only for the Kingdom of the two Sicilies but also for the other Italian states, because so-called ‘public opinion’ became a reality in this period: the existence of political plots and conspiracies from a rising number of secret societies is clear evidence that Italy's Risorgimento was under way.     

Les États de Provence en 1788 et 1789: représentants et représentés dans une province française à la veille de la Révolution

SUMMARY

In this article Monique Cubells has examined the special case of the Estates of Provence, which had been suspended in 1639, but restored in their original form in 1787. The structure of the Estates is analysed to show how none of the three Estates was representative of its Order, since all the deputies sat by virtue of status or function and none were directly elected to the Estates. There was the further feature that the Estates of Provence voted by head, not by Order, a position that was fiercely defended in Provence by the same people who would bitterly resist it when applied to the Estates General of 1789. In Provence, the arrangement meant that the Clergy and the Nobility easily outvoted the Third Estate, in addition to which several members of the Third Estate were nobles. Thus the Estates of Provence were not, and had never been representative even of the ruling elites, much less of the wider society. The article then examines the growing public debate in Provence after 1787 in which pamphlets and public meetings demanded changes to introduce the principle of representation, based on natural right, reason and justice. But when Louis XVI decreed a uniform electoral system for the Estates General of 1789, the issue of representation in Provence faded into the background. The abolition of the Estates of Provence, in consequence of the vote of 4 August 1789 then aroused only minor protests.     

Normes,débat et délibération dans la démocratie parlementaire : Max Weber et Jürgen Habermas

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes the significance of the norm in the conceptions of Max Weber, sociologist and author of the classical work Economy and Society, and of Jürgen Habermas, philosopher and sociologist of the Frankfurt School. Both authors have in fact dedicated specific studies to the sociology of right and have conferred a central function on the norms in order to guarantee a correct functioning of parliamentary democracy. For Weber and Habermas, the norm exists in a constitutive tension between facticity and normativity, i.e. between its factual influence on society and its theoretical legitimacy. Weber distinguishes between the juridicial and the sociological meaning of the norm, which is respectively related to its normative value and to its effects on society. For Habermas, the norm is adhered to, but it also has to be legitimized, and this can only be reached as a consequence of a democratic debate that produces consensus. In the political sphere, Weber and Habermas stress the importance of an interaction between legality and political discussion, democratic procedures and their process of institutionalization, thus emphasizing the necessity of guaranteeing a political debate subject to rules. Nevertheless, their ideas of democracy partially differ. Weber conceives of a democracy based on a majority, whereas Habermas stresses the necessity of reaching an agreement. This article analyzes the different models of democracy articulated by Weber and Habermas, their significance, and the possibility of integration between them.     

Les Etats de Basse-Navarre de 1784 à 1788 : entre particularisme provincial et intégration à la couronne de France

This is a study about the deliberations of the estates of Lower Navarre between 1784 and 1788. It belongs to the school of thought represented by the work of Marie-Laure Legay and Julian Swann, who argue that the provincial estates, far from being little more than medieval survivals crushed by the weight of the ancient regime, were in a position to provide the crown with valuable services. Integrated in the Kingdom of France since 1620, Basse-Navarre retained its fors, its public and private law, and above all its tax system. This article considers the daily activities of the estates by describing their organisation, operation and through a critical analysis of the register of debates. A second section analyses the subjects of the laws which were passed, both in quantitative and qualitative terms, followed by a discussion of the relations between the members of the estates and the representatives of the central authority.     

Parlement et Société: Le cas du Parlement Général du Royaume de Naples pendant la période espagnole 1443–1642

The author of this paper aims to give an introduction to the legal institutions of socialist representation and territorial public administration which were spread in Central Europe after the soviet political and legal influence (occupation) caused by the end of World War II. To show the concrete historical solutions one can read details on the Hungarian system of local councils developed by the ideal of Russian soviets. After a short international panorama, the author summarizes the main legal instruments such as the scope of authority of the councils, the status of the council deputies, the operation of the full session of the council body and its committees, also the features of the executive committee and its specialized administrative organs.     

Je lis,donc je suis──Hermétique et connaissance de soi à la Renaissance

本文系Ｍ．亚罗先生于１９９９年 １２月 ２１日在北京大学外国文学讲座上的发言稿,全文分两期刊出。他从文献学、阐释学等文学批评的角度,以Ｅｒａｓｍｅ的圣经以及蒙田的《随笔》为例,对１６世纪作品作了一个全新的诠释,并提出文学作品给读者的是一个开放性的空间,对每个读者来说,阅读是“一个寻求自我本体的历程,一个组织结构的活动。”     

Culture constitutionnelle,modèles étrangers et forme de gouvernement parlementaire en Italie: l'État libéral (1848–1922)

SUMMARY

The main aim of this article is to grasp the specific nature of the Italian case and the form of its government, as seen in particular in the analyses made by students of the constitution at the time. Fernanda Mazzanti Pepe considers two separate periods, the first during the formation and early actions of the parliamentary regime during the first thirty years after the grant of the Albertine Statute (1848), and the second in which amendments were sought, from the 1880s until the eve of the Fascist regime. The key concept for the constitutional culture of the first period was ‘parliamentary omnipotence’ in the English manner, while reserving real powers to the king. In the second period, full of far-reaching social and political changes, the erstwhile simple confidence in parliamentary omnipotence gave way to a growing suspicion and a diffuse search for guarantees, such as the continuance of a strong role for the Crown and a revitalization of the Senate as an institution representing ‘organized interests’. The catchphrases most used became the ‘correction’, ‘development’ or ‘adaptation’ of the constitutional system in face of the new reality, but these words were always linked with ‘limits’ which had to be identified to avoid dangerous innovations, whether progressive or regressive. Limits also had to be placed on the ‘flexibility’ of the Statute, and in this search for forms of stability for the constitution, the American model, long rejected, now also became a worthy one to follow.     

Peuple,patrie et nation: les mots et les idées dans le Discours parlementaire portugais du dix-neuvième siècle

SUMMARY

In this article Maria Manuela Tavares Ribciro analyses how the Portuguese Republicans of the later nineteenth century drew inspiration from the ideas and the symbols of the Revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The subsequent liberal regimes located sovereignty in the Nation, which they distinguished from the People, who only shared in the exercise of sovereignty through voting. The will of the Nation was expressed through the elected deputies and was distinct from the will of the People and superior to it. Against this the Republicans set the revolutionary concept of the ‘Patrie’, distinct from the Nation and the direct embodiment of the collective will of the People. It was by drawing on the revolutionary concepts and symbolism of the 1820s that the late nineteenth-century Republicans articulated their claim that by setting up a republic, the People would re-invigorate the moribund liberal Nation by their direct, collective action and fashion a new and better Nation in its place.     

Analyse des motivations,des besoins et des attentes des étudiants dans l''''apprentissage du francais dans le cadre des facultés de sciences économiques

法语第二外语教学长期以来都是以所用的教材来决定上课的内容和形式,而较少考虑到学生的学习动机以及他们对法语课的需求和期待,上课的气氛比较单调和沉闷。本文采取问卷调查的方法,主要对财经类院校学生学习法语的动机进行分析,研究这一特殊教学对象的学习需求和期待,以便更好地为他们提供相适应的教学内容和形式。     

Les Cortes et le Parlement au Portugal. 750e anniversaire des Cortes de Leiria de 1254: Congrès International, 26–28 novembre 2004—Leiria

SUMMARY

The Scottish Parliament, established in 1999, was to be a novel type of parliament and to herald a ‘new politics’. While it was inevitable that the Scottish parliamentary model would inherit some of the features of the Westminster system, one of the major parliamentary models in the world, Home Rulers insisted on the Scottish Parliament's need to adopt novel procedures and principles right from the start to keep it from becoming a ‘Westminister’. An analysis of Scottish Home Rule discourse in documents from the late 1980s and the 1990s shows that at the time, Westminster was constructed as an ‘anti-model’. This article establishes in what respects Westminster was an anti-model for the architects of the Scottish Parliament and describes the ideal parliamentary model which they defined. It then considers whether the Scottish model as it exists today conforms to their expectations. The case presented here is that the Scottish parliamentary system is indeed different from the British system in several fundamental respects, such as the fact that it is more committee-based and less executive-oriented, but that it is closer to the Westminster model than has been acknowledged, and that in some respects, the Scottish Parliament has moved towards that model by adopting typically British modes of functioning. Some characteristics of the Westminster system which it has integrated are the Presiding Officer's power to have a casting vote or, more controversially, the way the executive is held to account, through adversarial Question Times. The Scottish Parliament is thus neither a mini-Westminster nor an anti-Westminster: the Scottish parliamentary model is a hybrid of the West European and the Westminster models.     

Russian-Speakers in Ukraine and Kazakhstan: “Nationality,” “Population,” or Neither?

A political scientist examines the level of attachment to the “Russian-speaker” label among Russians and Russian-speakers who live outside of Russia within the former Soviet Union. Also examined is the proposition that this label is the main alternative to assimilation and that those who accept it think differently from those who do not about issues such as the independence of their state of residence. Survey and focus-group data collected in 1998 and 1999 in Ukraine and Kazakhstan are examined to analyze whether “Russian-speaker” is a more important identity marker than citizenship and ethnic group.     

Integración,mestizaje y nacionalismo en el México revolucionario. Forjando Patria de Manuel Gamio: la diversidad subordinada al afán de unidad

This paper analyzes the integration program in Manuel Gamio's Forjando Patria as a national project arising in the historical context of revolutionary Mexico, where cultural diversity is conditional on the idea of unity. Firstly, we trace the relationship of the integration program with its history, the concepts of “mestizaje” and “mestizo” of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Secondly, we analyze the influence of some European models of nationality and socio-cultural change on Gamio's integrationism, in the context of socio-ethnic heterogeneity in Mexico during 1916. Finally, we highlight the links between the concepts of cultural diversity become visible, nation and nationalism in this author's work.