我爱越剧

在我国戏曲百花园中,越剧是一个历史不长但发展很快的剧种。在二十世纪五六十年代最兴盛的时期,祖国大陆的21个省、市、自治区有专业越剧团。越剧以抒情柔美、富有诗情画意的独特风格,赢得了大江南北广大观众的喜爱,并享誉海外越剧发     

黄石方言英语学生语音情况调查

方言与普通话都是汉语的变体,以地方方言为母语的英语学生在习得普通话和英语语音时是否会同时受到方言的影响,为了探究结果,以黄石方言英语学生为研究对象,对其语音状况进行问卷调查,发现学习环境和周边的影响对学生的学习确实产生了较大的正面和负面的作用。     

浚县方言中的助词"咾"和"啦"

浚县方言中的助词“咾”是浚县方言中一个比较有特色的词，既可以出现在句中，也可以出现在句尾。出现的位置不同，意义和用法也不同。浚县方言中的助词“啦”总位于句尾，跟表示情况实现的体貌助词“了”位置相同，可以认定“啦”是“了”、“啊”的合音，有很强的凝固性。“啦”还具有完句的功能，这跟它是“了”、“啊”的合音不无关系。     

恩格斯《法兰克方言》及其理论价值

恩格斯曾对法兰克方言进行了详尽的实地考察,研究成果《法兰克方言》有完全独立的科学意义,是把历史唯物主义运用于语言学的范例。恩格斯关于方言研究中的一系列理论和方法,特别是通过准确揭示方言的差异和层次,来反映日耳曼人的古代历史和部落迁徙过程,对世界方言研究和历史研究,具有重要的指导作用和理论价值。     

反腐败与“劈硬板”

驻浙某部有“硬骨头六连”,在保家卫国或救灾抢险中,素以善啃“硬骨头”而闻名,藉此也铸成了自身的铮铮硬骨。想起吴方言中惯用语“劈硬板”,其风格与“硬骨头”庶几近之,但又有其独到的内涵。尤其在纪检、监察和检察战线上查处大案、要案时,更有必要弘扬“劈硬板”这种严正作风。从语源上看,此语缘于以斧斫为工具的析木活动,此处用比喻义,指一种难度大、硬碰硬、顶着压力而上的硬活。“劈硬板”的难处不仅在于事情本身的客观之     

赵丽宏:一位诗人的家国情怀

<正>"近些年方言的式微已经是一个不争的事实,而且这种式微的范围在不断扩大,速度在不断加快,长此以往,作为我国各地民俗文化、本土文化重要载体的方言前景堪忧,因为方言消亡,流失的是认同感,影响的是国家民族的凝聚力和发展动力。"     

甘肃民乐方言的"子"尾词

“子”尾是汉语方言广泛存在的构形手段之一，拥有丰富的“子”尾词是民乐方言词汇的一大特色，本文全面描写了民乐方言“子”尾词的结构形式，语义特征及其语法功能，并对民乐方言与普通话“子”尾词的异同做了比较。     

由文献分析古鲁国表达“重”之义的古今联系

扬雄《方言》中古鲁国表达"重"之义时使用"锤"这种说法;但今天的鲁西方言中表示"重"的含义已不再用"锤"这个词,而是使用"沉"和"坠"两种说法。那么,"锤""沉""坠"这三个词之间古今有什么样的联系呢?本文将在语音、语义方面,就这三个词的来源以及它们的同源词之间的联系进行引证比较,由文献分析,发现它们之间有必然的联系,是一组古今同义词。     

热词

肿么了即“怎么了”，是山东枣庄一带方言。《爱情公寓》借唐悠悠之口，让这句话大红。网友造句：“钱包，你肿么了钱包!回答我，钱包!你肿么又瘦了，醒醒呀!马上就月初了。”     

唐代的一场中国围棋赛

中国是围棋的故乡,起源甚早,具体时日,只有专家才能说清楚。我只知道春秋时代即已有之。根据《左传》襄公二十五年(公元前548年)记载,太叔文子批评卫国大夫宁喜,说宁氏一会儿驱逐卫献公,一会儿又主动请其回国复位,反复无常,必有祸殃,并以弈棋为喻,说:“今宁子视君如弈棋,其何以免乎?弈者举棋不定,不胜其耦(按:耦,对敌也),而况置君而弗定乎?”汉扬雄《方言》解释云:“围棋,自关东齐鲁之间谓之弈,”卫国在今河南省境,地属古代关东。所以《左传》所称“弈棋”,具体指围棋,当时已经比较普遍,古     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.