叶笃初：领导干都要学会科学执政、民主执政、依法执政

中央党校教授叶笃初撰文指出，从根源上讲，现时存在的不良文风、话风、会风，其实是“官风”的表现，是党长期执政条件下，少数领导干部“当官做老爷”积习的派生物。如果领导干部不能真正懂得科学执政、民主执政、依法执政，官气不改、官风不改，树立良好文风的任务就会非常艰巨。经验证明，     

论依法执政在民主政治建设中的重大意义

依法执政是党的领导方式和执政方式在新时期的重大转换和新发展,也是民主政治和法治建设的根本要求;依法执政树立了宪法最高权威同时也促进了社会主义政治文明的发展。     

依法执政与执政能力

《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》是加强党执政能力建设的纲要。依法执政是加强执政能力的必然结果。因为“法律是一种政治措施,是一种政策”,将执政党的政策作为立法的基础,使之条文化、具体化,是在新的历史条件下加强、改善、提高党的执政能力的具体表现。     

坚持科学执政、民主执政、依法执政

党的十六届四中全会通过的《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》，提出坚持科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的执政理念。这种与时俱进、勇于创新的理论和明确、科学的制度构想，引起理论界的广泛关注。中共中央政治局6月29日下午进行第三十二次集体学习时，胡锦涛主持学习并发表了讲话。他强调，坚持科学执政、民主执政、依法执政，是新的历史条件下加强党的执政能力建设和先进性建设的重要内容。其核心是要为人民执好政、掌好权。要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来，不断改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式，不断提高党的执政能力和领导水平。     

依法执政：中国共产党执政方式的新发展

依法执政是现代国家政党政治发展的一条普遍规律。党的领导方式和执政方式必须随着时代的发展、社会的进步、经济活动方式的变迁而改进。依法执政就成为中国共产党党执政的一个基本方式。党要坚持依法执政,不断提高依法执政的能力,就必须强化党的依法执政意识,学会用宪法思维执政;要求党的执政活动本身制度化、法律化;要求党在依法执政的实践中逐步强化执政责任制度。中国共产党必须坚持依法执政方针的提出,标志着中国的治国方略开始逐步纳入宪政轨道。要依法治国,建设社会主义法治国家,执政党依法执政就是题中应有之义。     

依法执政的理性思考

依法执政作为法治模式下的执政方式，应以良法为前提，以政治、思想、组织领导构建的执政的内涵为核心，其执政行为保证不渗入到立法、行政等机关内的具体事务中去。在这种理解的基础上，做到从人治到法治观念的更新，在党内形成民主制度和权力制约机制，并接受党外力量的监督，处理好与国家机关之间的关系，促进依法执政方式的良好运行。     

政策与法律的一致性是依法执政的前提

国家的治理,离不开政策,更离不开法律。但由于政策、法律的差异性,在治国理政的过程中,两者之间经常会出现矛盾或不一致,这对执政者来说是一个严峻的考验。针对政策、法律不一致的具体表现,本文提出了强化守法意识、维护法律尊严、对政策作适法性审查的建议。     

论依法执政与政治文明

依法执政从产生的那一天起 ,就与政治文明结下了不解之缘 ,它是人类政治文明进步的产物 ,是现代政治文明的重要标志 ,是现代政治文明建设的客观要求。中国共产党与时俱进 ,在社会主义政治文明建设中实行依法执政。共产党依法执政实质上是人民当家作主 ,它以最广大人民的根本利益为依归 ,坚持“党总揽全局、协调各方”原则 ,因而是现代政治文明的高级形态     

依法执政首先是依宪执政理论浅论

什么是依法执政?在首都各界纪念全国人民代表大会成立五十周年大会上,胡锦涛总书记强调押依法治国首先要依宪治国,依法执政首先要依宪执政。由党的总书记郑重地向全党提出“依法治国首先要依宪治国,依法执政首先要依宪执政”的命题,这在党的历史上还是第一次,这既体现了党中央对理论界学术研究成果的重视和采纳,又表明党中央对依法执政认识的深化和升华。深刻理解“依法执政首先是依宪执政”这一命题的含义,深入思考“依宪执政”过程中遇到的难题及解决思路,是贯彻落实党的十六届四中全会精神的内在要求。     

“依法执政”考辨

依法执政是一个复杂的政治与法律问题.执政是一种介于国家与社会之间、用以连接二者的活动,依法执政在西方国家与社会分立的背景之下并不成为问题.在当代中国,由于政党、社会与国家之间的界限比较模糊,讨论依法执政的意义才较为突出.中国共产党必须以宪法政治、政党政治和民主政治为前提和条件,并需要解决执政党与国家的分开、调整自身地位、从政治思维转换为法律思维等难题,才能实现依法执政的基本目标.     

BREXIT,democracy and the rule of law

This article employs the image of the antisyzygy, the yoking of opposites, as an analytical tool to understand the dynamic and unresolved tensions built into the very idea of the European Union. It describes the EU as a forming a supranational constitutional space which does not supersede nation states, but instead seeks to preserve their specific identities while promoting and protecting the fundamental values they are called upon to embody as liberal constitutional democracies. The article then critically examines constitutional developments in the UK subsequent to its decision to leave the European Union and suggests that, paradoxically, it may have been the European Union which held the post-War post-imperial United Kingdom together and, without it and outside it, we may anticipate the UK's imminent dissolution into its original constituent nations – Brexit leads inexorably to BreUK-up.     

黄宗羲民主法治思想评析

近代意义上的法治是民主紧密结合在一起的,没有民主就没有真正的法治.先秦时期法家代表人物曾提出过"以法治国"的主张,但法家的"法治"是以维护君主专制为前提的.法家的"法治"并未跳出"人治"的窠臼.我国最早提出法治与民主相结合的,是明清之际的几位启蒙思想家.其中最突出的是代表人物就是黄宗羲.本文试图结合明清之际的历史背景对黄宗羲的民主法治思想作粗浅的评析,以就教于法律史学界的同行.     

Terrorism and the law: Historical contexts, contemporary dilemmas, and the end(s) of democracy

Recent proposals by the G7 (and Russia) to clamp down on terrorists and terrorism do not define that which is prohibited. Instead, a threat is communicated which in turn allows, among other things, greater attention to be paid officially to camouflage charities and terrorist use of the Internet. Nevertheless, it is somewhat of a truism to note that terrorist violence is ultimately defined or characterized, for purposes of legal prohibition, within a highly politicized atmosphere. Starting with a short summary of anti-terrorist codification efforts made this century, this article examines some of the security interests cited by governments today in their respective struggles against terrorism. More specifically, it is argued that individual perceptions of personal and societal threat are heightened unnecessarily not only by a constant stream of governmental anti-terrorist rhetoric, but further, by an awareness of official and unofficial methods of anti-terrorist surveillance, and the use to which the information so obtained can be put.     

构建我国民主法治型行政组织探析

进入新世纪,我国政府越来越意识到组织建设的重要性.为顺应环境变化,进一步深化我国行政体制改革,构建民主法治型的行政组织尤为重要.因此,我们应通过合理地设置机构,提高公务员的素质,推进电子政务等方面的民主法治建设,构建有中国特色的民主法治型行政组织.     

我国人民民主面临的问题及对策——基于协商民主视角的分析

人民民主是社会主义民主的核心要义,是中国共产党和当代中国的理想和追求.我国设计了以人民代表大会制度为标志的一系列制度措施来实现人民民主,但在具体的政治实践中却面临种种问题.协商民主是强调讨论对话和审议的民主形式,恰好在某种程度上弥补了目前我国人民民主实践的不足.     

The rule of law as a catalyst for sustainable democracy in Nigeria

Democracy and the rule of law are the pillars of sustainable development and the guarantee of fundamental freedoms in any society. The rule of law is one of the prerequisites to creating an enabling environment that supports socio‐economic growth and political development. The future of democracy rests with the ability of democratic governments to observe the rule of law. The rule of law is the fulcrum of democracy and the pillar upon which the structures of democracy stands. This article examines the crucial importance of the rule of law as a catalyst for the sustenance of democracy in Nigeria.     

In courts we trust,or should we? Judicial independence as the precondition for the effectiveness of EU law

The present article argues that the EU possesses an arsenal of tools to address dissuasively rule of law problems in the Member States. This shows the double nature of the EU's separation of powers problem. Whereas some states suffer from rule of law decline and a lack of limitation of governmental powers, there is a risk of the crumbling of separation of powers at the EU level, too, where institutions fail to adequately address rule of law violations. Against the EU institutions' lack of forceful action towards rule of law backsliding, domestic courts try to protect judicial independence increasingly via preliminary references. Also, they attempt preventing the proliferation of the consequences of rule of law decline via judicial cooperation in the mutual trust/mutual recognition domain. This article explores to what extent preliminary rulings can make up for the failure to use adequate EU tools of rule of law enforcement.     

Editoria: Corruption and democracy

Editorial Introduction

Editoria: Corruption and democracy