Frontline Voice: P.A.J. Waddington Interviews Chief Inspector Oliver Wright

Chief Inspector Oliver Wright is the Neighbourhood PolicingProject Manager in Britain's Thames Valley Police, policingthe counties of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, and Buckinghamshirethat lie in the centre of the country to the north-west of London.Chief Inspector Wright is responsible for ensuring the smoothintroduction of neighbourhood policing, about which he is enthusiasticbut also realistic about the challenges that he and his colleagueswill have to face. It is ‘work in progress’; indeed,it has barely begun, for the project commenced in 2005. What is ‘neighbourhood policing’? I put it to himthat it was just the latest incarnation of the ‘communitypolicing’ idea. Whilst accepting that it embraces muchof the same ethos as ‘community policing’ he insistedthat it represented a distinctive advance. Central to     

Memory Frictions: Localizing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Sierra Leone

This paper concerns the frictions of engagement when transitionaljustice mechanisms are implemented in local contexts. My focusis the practice of truth-telling as part of a global paradigmof redemptive memory. I first trace the genealogy of this paradigm,examining how it came to appear ‘natural’ and ‘universal.’Second, I explore struggles over memory that ensued when SierraLeone's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) assertivelypromoted this paradigm in a region in which alternative memorytechniques reflected popular priorities in an unstable contextof ‘no peace, no war.’ These struggles were rootednot only in the contested content of memories, but also in aperceived incommensurability between contrasting memory projectsbelieved to have divergent implications for processes of reconstruction.Finally, I examine the significance of reparations both forlocal practices of post-war memory and for the local effectivenessof the TRC.     

Values,Frames, and Persuasion in Presidential Nomination Campaigns

This paper examines the persuasability of rhetorical value framing within a presidential nominating campaign, in an effort to understand how values and value-laden language may provide useful signals in electoral contexts where partisan cues are absent. Relying on a survey-experiment conducted during the 2000 Republican nomination campaign, I evaluate the relative persuasiveness of arguments framed in either individualistic or egalitarian terms. Drawing upon an “active-receiver” model of framing effects, I posit that Republican primary voters respond more readily to candidates when they use individualistic frames than when they use egalitarian frames, because individualism is a more “chronically accessible” value construct for Republicans. Furthermore, I hypothesize that this dynamic is particularly pronounced among more educated respondents, who have been trained to recognize abstract value cues and automatically apply them to applied political contexts. The experimental findings support these hypotheses.     

Does the Federal Government Learn from the States? Medicaid and the Limits of Expertise in the Intergovernmental Lobby

State programmatic expertise is an important asset to federalsystems, but this expertise is not always informative to federaldecision-makers. I argue the degree to which state expertiseis informative to federal decision-makers depends on how wellthe policy interests of state and federal levels are aligned.I illustrate variation in these conditions using case studiesof congressional politics over the Medicaid program. I thenapply a statistical test, which demonstrates that states’programmatic expertise regarding Medicaid is less persuasiveto congressional committee members compared to other witnesseswho are equally knowledgeable. The results suggest a "failureof federalism," where the public good potential of state programmaticexpertise often is not realized in the federal system.     

Introduction by P. A. J. Waddington

‘Governance’ (as distinct from ‘government’)has become a term of art throughout the social sciences overthe past decade or so as scholars have struggled to understandthe complexities of contemporary social changes. This is feltin all corners of society, but has particular relevance to thepolice who have traditionally been regarded as the sole custodiansof state sovereignty, which lies in the capacity to use legitimateforce over its own citizens. This monopoly is being increasinglyeroded as the wider ‘police family’ becomes evermore populous. This reflects, in my estimation, two fundamental realities.First is the indefinite nature of the police role. As the pioneeringpolice research, Egon     

Polarization,Ideology, and Vote Choice in U.S. Congressional Elections

Despite the debate about mass polarization, most scholars agree that parties in Congress have become increasingly polarized over time. Scholars have sought to connect party polarization to the beliefs and perceptions of individual citizens, but little work exists on the relationship between polarization and the vote choices made by ordinary citizens. In this article, I examine the link between party polarization at the elite level, the use of ideology by citizens, and their vote choices in Congressional elections. I argue that the increased polarization that has occurred over time has led people to place more weight on ideology when casting their votes in U.S. House elections. My hypothesis stems from work on group conflict theory, which suggests that when people sense a high degree of conflict between two groups, a cue from elites, they will be more likely to rely on their own relevant characteristics or attitudes when making choices. This study differs from previous work on Congressional elections in that I examine variation in the effect of ideology on vote choice over multiple elections rather than just in one or two elections. I argue that an exploration of the political context (or the political context perceived by voters) is necessary in order to more fully understand the use of ideology in U.S. elections. To the extent that polarization facilitates the use of information shortcuts among voters, it might be viewed as a positive development within the context of electoral politics.     

The Time That Was Broken, the Home That Was Razed: Deconstructing Slavenka Drakulic's Storytelling About Yugoslav War Crimes

¹In this article, I analyze the conceptualization of transitionaljustice underwriting Slavenka Drakuli's book, They Would NeverHurt a Fly, on the trials at the International Criminal Tribunalfor the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. I adopt a criticaland deconstructive strategy of interpretation that reveals Drakuli'sidea of ‘justice for the Balkans’ as not only internallyincoherent and fractured but also politically problematic. Iintroduce two concepts as central to Drakuli's storytellingabout transitional justice in the former Yugoslavia: (i) theidea of a ‘broken time’ and (ii) the idea of a ‘razedhome.’ I conclude that Drakuli's narratives of justiceare aimed at repairing broken time and rebuilding the razedhome in a way that reveals the author's redemptive, rather thanpolitical, thinking about transitional justice.     

Using Auxiliary Data to Estimate Selection Bias Models, with an Application to Interest Group Use of the Direct Initiative Process

Recent work in survey research has made progress in estimatingmodels involving selection bias in a particularly difficultcircumstance—all nonrespondents are unit nonresponders,meaning that no data are available for them. These models arereasonably successful in circumstances where the dependent variableof interest is continuous, but they are less practical empiricallywhen it is latent and only discrete outcomes or choices areobserved. I develop a method in this article to estimate thesemodels that is much more practical in terms of estimation. Themodel uses a small amount of auxiliary information to estimatethe selection equation parameters, which are then held fixedwhile estimating the equation of interest parameters in a maximum-likelihoodsetting. After presenting Monte Carlo analyses to support themodel, I apply the technique to a substantive problem: Whichinterest groups are likely to to be involved in support of potentialinitiatives to achieve their policy goals?     

Constitutional Review and the Selective Promotion of Case Results

A significant majority of the world's constitutional courts publicize their decisions through direct contact with the national media. This interest in public information is puzzling in so far as constitutional judges are not directly accountable to voters. I argue that the promotion of case results is consistent with a theory of judicial behavior in which public support for courts can undermine incentives for insincere decision making. In this article, I develop a simple game theory model that identifies how case promotion is linked to judicial choice. Results of a simultaneous equations model estimating the Mexican Supreme Court's merits decisions and its choices to publicize those decisions by issuing press releases to national media outlets support an account of constitutional review in which judges believe they can influence their authority through case promotion.     

Governance and Policing

The theme of this issue is governance, a term with multipleand often contested meanings. By governance, in its broadestsense, I mean those more or less systematic attempts to shapehuman conduct. In civil society, these can range from self-governancethrough prayer and exercise, family and commercial management,the organization of residential and religious communities, strugglesover turf by street gangs and organized crime networks, to paramilitaryand ‘terrorist’ networks. As radical feminists andevolutionary theorists argue, the core of collective governanceor state government is patriarchal. This is so whether or notthere is an effective sovereign     

A Trojan Horse? Unionism, Trust and Truth-telling in Northern Ireland

The aim of this article is to examine the relationship betweentrust, testimony and truth recovery processes as part of post-conflicttransition. The paper uses the case study of unionist attitudestoward a community-based truth-telling project in Northern Irelandto demonstrate the impact an absence of trust can have uponwhat the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur has described as the‘space of controversy’ that emerges between the‘certification’ and the ‘accreditation’of testimony. The paper suggests such distrust is a legacy,not only of conflict, but also of the particular circumstancesof transition and the specific mechanisms of truth recoveryadopted. Ultimately the paper argues for a holistic, community-centredapproach towards truth-telling and raises issues relevant toother violently divided societies undergoing transition andgrappling with ways in which to deal with the legacy of politicalconflict.     

The Electoral Consequences of Skin Color: The “Hidden” Side of Race in Politics

Despite the significant role that skin color plays in material well-being and social perceptions, scholars know little if anything about whether skin color and afrocentric features influence political cognition and behavior and specifically, if intraracial variation in addition to categorical difference affects the choices of voters. Do more phenotypically black minorities suffer an electoral penalty as they do in most aspects of life? This study investigates the impact of color and phenotypically black facial features on candidate evaluation, using a nationally representative survey experiment of over 2000 whites. Subjects were randomly assigned to campaign literature of two opposing candidates, in which the race, skin color and features, and issue stance of candidates was varied. I find that afrocentric phenotype is an important, albeit hidden, form of bias in racial attitudes and that the importance of race on candidate evaluation depends largely on skin color and afrocentric features. However, like other racial cues, color and black phenotype don’t influence voters’ evaluations uniformly but vary in magnitude and direction across the gender and partisan makeup of the electorate in theoretically explicable ways. Ultimately, I argue, scholars of race politics, implicit racial bias, and minority candidates are missing an important aspect of racial bias.     

Political Coercion and the Scope of Distributive Justice

A prominent position in the global justice literature holds that claims of distributive justice are only 'activated' by the densely coercive institutional apparatus of states. I dispute this view in three ways. First, I argue that coercion is either justified by its results and rationale or it cannot be justified at all; as a result, coercive institutions do not demand an independent justification via distributive justice. Second, I contend that because the shape of coercive institutions is the result of political choices that have distributive implications, one cannot make normative judgements without asking why coercive institutions have the shape that they do. Third, even accepting (for the sake of argument) the claim that coercive institutions must be justified by a special focus on distributive justice among those subject to them, I argue that the resulting position does not justify restricting distributive justice to state borders. If (any of) these arguments are correct, it is a mistake to think that a concern with the coercive nature of political institutions legitimates restricting claims of distributive justice to compatriots.     

Modernist and postmodernist metaphors of the policy process: Control and stability vs. chaos and reflexive understanding

The complexity of the policy process is such that analysts often resort to metaphorical representations of its most salient aspects. Sometimes these metaphors are used deliberately but, in most cases, they are implicitly built into their theoretical frameworks. This article argues that commonly used metaphors based on the paradigmatic notion of ‘control’ have ceased to be relevant to the analysis of contemporary policy dilemmas. Two new conceptions of the policy process have emerged from the new sciences of complexity. Both chaos theory and models based on the concept of ‘organizational closure’ clearly reveal the self-organizing logic inherent in the problems confronting managers and policy-makers today. The main focus here is on examining the rationales for, and the potentials of, metaphors derived from these paradigmatic innovations - innovations which can be situated within an emerging postmodern culture insofar as they emphasize indeterminacy and the role played by social actors in constructing the social situations in which they find themselves. It is also argued, however, that within very specific contexts the notion of control may still be valid. The author wishes to thank Michael Howlett for his helpful comments on an earlier draft.     

Consideration Sets and Political Choices: A Heterogeneous Model of Vote Choice and Sub-national Party Strength

This paper brings to political science a new decision-making model based on research in consumer behavior. Individuals do not necessarily make choices from the universe of alternatives; rather, they choose from a “consideration set,” a notion derived from both utility maximization and information processing theories. Here I apply a model of heterogeneous consideration sets to voting in the 2000 Mexican national election. I argue that the sub-national variation in the strength of Mexican parties leads to heterogeneous consideration sets, resulting in individuals with identical issue preferences and personal attributes making different voting decisions. Application of this model provides both interesting substantive conclusions about vote choice in Mexico and a more general theoretical innovation regarding vote choice.

Transitional Justice and Peacebuilding after Mass Violence

¹Since the end of the Cold War, the international communityhas become increasingly involved in peacebuilding and transitionaljustice after mass violence. This article uses lessons frompractical experience and theories of peacebuilding and transitionaljustice to develop a model of transformative justice that supportssustainable peacebuilding. This model is holistic and transdisciplinaryand proposes a focus on civil society participation in the designand implementation of transitional justice mechanisms. It requiresus to rethink our focus on ‘transition’ as an interimprocess that links the past and the future, and to shift itto ‘transformation,’ which implies long-term, sustainableprocesses embedded in society and adoption of psychosocial,political and economic, as well as legal, perspectives on justice.It also involves identifying, understanding and including, whereappropriate, the various cultural approaches to justice thatcoexist with the dominant western worldview and practice. Asyncretic approach to reconciling restorative and retributivejustice is proposed as a contribution to developing transformativejustice and sustainable peacebuilding. The development of thistransformative justice model is informed by field research conductedin Cambodia, Rwanda, East Timor and Sierra Leone on the viewsand experiences of conflict participants in relation to transitionaljustice and peacebuilding.     

A Model for Dealing with the Past in the Israeli Palestinian Context

This article explores the potential applicability of transitionaljustice ideas to the Israeli–Palestinian context. I arguethat given the particularities of the Israeli–Palestiniansetting, truth and reconciliation would be an essential componentof peacemaking even though this is an inter-societal conflictwhich will likely be resolved only through separation into twostates. Nevertheless, the interstate nature creates challengesto the application of common transitional justice mechanisms.In response to these challenges I offer a model based on anincremental process of narrow mechanisms throughout a long processof transition, rather than one high-profile all-encompassingmechanism in the post-conflict stage. I also suggest that inaddition to issues to be explored jointly by the two societies,such as refugees, prisoner release and compensation for victimsof violence, there could also be internal truth and reconciliationprocesses within each society. Finally, this model is premisedon an important role for civil society initiatives.     

Editorial Note

This is my first venture in helping to edit a journal, whichis a new area for me since my experience is mainly in the areaof judicial adjudication. I agreed to become involved not onlybecause the theme of this issue, namely, ‘Gender and TransitionalJustice’ is of particular relevance to international justicetoday, but also because the advent of the International CriminalCourt (ICC) has opened up new possibilities for the ventilationof alternative aspects of justice for victimised communitiesand experts working in the field. Over the course of the last13 years, as a judge on the International Criminal Tribunalfor Rwanda (ICTR) and now the ICC, I learned to listen to differentvoices, both within     

Introduction: Gender, Citizenship and Participation: Opportunities and Obstacles in the Twenty-first Century Politics

THIS special half issue of Parliamentary Affairs brings togetherseveral pertinent themes that have been the source of debate—academicand broader—in recent years. We hear much about the ‘crisisof participation’ in which ‘traditional’ formsof political activity attract the participation of ever-decreasingnumbers, although the extent to which this is a ‘natural’development of social change or the result of political bankruptcyremains to be decided. While, for     

Multiparty spatial competition with probabilistic voting

I develop a general model of multiparty competition in which parties model voters' choices by means of probabilistic choice rules. The model is specified in terms of an issue salience coefficient which varies with the importance voters attach to issues, as opposed to unmeasured nonissue motivations. I show that when the policy salience coefficient is sufficiently low, then both vote-maximizing and rank-maximizing parties have a dominant strategy: to adopt the “most popular platform,” which maximizes voter utilities over the entire electorate. This most popular platform therefore represents a convergent equilibrium when all parties are vote- or rank-maximizing. Numerical estimates suggest that this equilibrium result holds for degrees of issue voting which exceed the parameters behavioral researchers have estimated for various historical elections.