十月革命前后列宁的社会主义主张与实践

1917年十月革命后列宁在俄国进行的社会主义实践显示,作为落后国家的共产党人,他相信可以人为地创造先进的生产关系,进而改造提升落后的生产力,以实现社会主义.基于这一认识,列宁不可避免地过分强调了革命和暴力的作用,并且对阶级斗争和无产阶级专政学说作了进一步的发挥.列宁生前虽然没有能够成功地建成“社会主义社会”,但是,他对社会主义本质的理解和主张,却影响了以后几乎所有落后国家的共产党人.值得注意的一点是,列宁对社会主义的基本认识,虽然与马克思、恩格斯原先的设想有所不同,却还是在相当程度上依然继承了马克思的某些思想和主张.     

马来西亚解决"奥郎·阿斯利"族群问题的政策、影响及其评析

“奥郎.阿斯利”是马来西亚的土著族群,国内相关论述极少。本文分析了“奥郎.阿斯利”问题的形成和政府为解决问题而针对“奥郎.阿斯利”人所实行的政策,并分析了这些政策对“奥郎.阿斯利”人的影响。最后从马来西亚现代化进程的角度对其政策进行了宏观上的评析。通过本文,可以清楚地看到“奥郎.阿斯利”这一落后族群在马来西亚现代化进程中的变迁以及马来西亚政府的政策得失,为多民族国家处理落后民族或者族群问题提供了一定的经验教训。     

东北亚经济合作的现状及前景

东北亚地区双边经济合作总体上发展很快 ,形势很好。区域多边合作同世界其他地区相比虽明显落后 ,但也在不断探索和前进中。东北亚多边合作落后的原因主要是受区域内外政治经济等因素的影响。笔者估计双边合作会有较快的发展 ,而多边合作近期内更有望取得突破性进展。     

科技革命使社会主义落后于资本主义——罗政治家布鲁坎的分析

罗政治家布鲁坎认为科技革命使社会主义在同资本主义的竞赛中处于落后地位。西尔维乌·布鲁坎在最近出版的“多元主义与社会冲突”一书中谈到了社会主义在与资本主义的竞赛中落后的原因,认为是科技革命起了主要作用。现将书中的部分内容综述如下:东西方竞争的衡量标准是经济。从工业化程度来衡量,70年代前,东方国家的增长率较     

在摧毁中建设 在建设中摧毁——谈洛特莱阿芒的散文诗《马尔陀罗之歌》的艺术特色

《马尔陀罗之歌》仅就长度来讲在散文诗歌史上也是绝无仅有的,它似乎更象一篇史诗或一篇小说(欧洲文艺复兴时期形成的小说正是从中世纪的史诗演变而来),总之象一部叙事作品。作者在第六支歌中也写道:“我希望能迅速地看到我的理论某一天得到某一种文学形式的     

中国共产党对世界关系变化的深刻影响

中国共产党成立百年来的发展历程与世界发展进程紧密相关.在不同的发展阶段,中国共产党与世界的关系呈现历史性变化,整体表现为由被动转向主动交往、由边缘化走向世界中心、由局部联系发展到全面建立关系、由相对落后到为世界提供中国智慧与中国方案的转变.当前世界形势发展呈现出变速快、程度深、范围广、影响大的特征,机遇与挑战并存.面对世界百年未有之大变局,中国共产党将洞察时代演进走向,把握历史发展大势,在影响世界关系变化中做出积极的作为.     

印度贫困农民的状况及政府的努力

印度农村贫困人口约占农村人口总数的70%以上.虽然印度政府每年都制定各种消除贫困的计划,向表列种姓、表列部族和落后阶层提供各种福利和援助,使得贫困人口在人口总数中所占百分比由50%以上降至36%,但贫困人口总数并没有大幅度减少.贫困问题仍然困扰着印度政府和人民.     

中国与印尼在基础设施建设方面合作的现状与前景

印尼经济在1997年亚洲金融危机期间遭受重创,国内基础设施建设几乎陷于停滞.为改善落后的基础设施状况,加速经济的发展,创造更多的就业机会,印尼计划采取措施首先改善国内投资环境,以吸引更多的外资参与本国基础设施的建设.这无疑将为迅速发展中国与印尼基础设施的合作带来更为广阔的前景.     

萨特想象理论的伦理含义

和意识、存在、信仰、理性、真理等重要的哲学范畴一样,想象概念在不同的历史时期也呈现出极其不同的内涵,在世界图景中占据着不同的位置.在西方思想史上,人们曾出于各种理由从否定方面来评价想象活动,如:对于客观的知识理想而言,想象是普遍危险的;不如感知鲜活生动等等,但想象无论如何都是重要的:一方面,在最直接的反思中,想象表现为展示某种我们向往的、不在场的存在可能性的功能,这种在时间中、随着人的生存实践而变更着的向往,就象那只挂在驴子眼前的红萝卜,诱惑着我们超越自身,直到我们丧失与自身的间距,即沉寂为一种自在存在.     

试析韩国绿色增长战略与新能源产业发展

为了减少温室气体排放和保证能源安全,韩国出台了绿色增长战略,以实现节能减排、增加就业和创造经济新动力.在绿色增长战略中,新能源的发展至关重要,韩国的核能、风能、太阳能和生物质能等产业发展较快;政府通过资金投入、强化知识产权保护和研发、财税和金融刺激以及出台强制性标准等方法促进绿色发展.同时也面临温室气体减排形势严峻、新能源利用比例仍然偏低、技术装备落后和新能源市场拓展等方面的问题.     

清代东南亚国家贡象研究

清代东南亚国家有向中国进贡驯象的惯例。这些驯象进入中国境内后按照固定的线路行走,到达北京后,由清廷专设的驯象所进行管理。居住在宣武门内的象房里的大象,得到管理人员的精细照顾,主要被清廷当做礼仪大象使用。19世纪中后期,随着越南、缅甸被西方国家占领,东南亚国家停止了向中国进贡驯象。     

Genocide yet again: Scenes of Rwanda and Ethical Witness in the Human Rights Memoir

This article investigates three recent human rights memoirs that chronicle the Rwandan genocide of 1994: Emergency Sex (and other desperate measures): True Stories from a War Zone, Shake Hands with the Devil: the failure of humanity in Rwanda, and The Zanzibar Chest: a memoir of love and war. I use these memoirs to explore the complexities of bearing witness to ethnic violence and war as an autobiographical subject shaped by the memory of historical atrocity — as a besieged self in traumatic occupations of the UN protector (Roméo Dallaire), lawyer (Kenneth Cain), and war correspondent (Aidan Hartley). Finally, I suggest that the authors of these memoirs are secondary witnesses, claimants to ethical truths and writers of atrocity testimony that complicate the burgeoning life‐telling compulsion of what is and who can claim to be a genocide victim. “Your mind with time, in fact, doesn't erase things that are traumas. It makes them clearer. They become digitally clearer and then you are able to sit back and all of a sudden have every individual scene come to you instead of the massive blur of many scenes I saw every day. The accumulation of the spirits that would come to you at night in the form of eyes, thousands of eyes, some mad, some simply there, and others bewildered, innocent children and adults, all that accumulated to the fact that I simply totally broke down”. (Roméo Dallaire) “What's true is that we didn't understand at the time the full magnitude of what was happening. I was an ant walking over the rough hide of an elephant. I had no idea of the scale of what I was witnessing. And when I did become aware I discovered Rwanda was way beyond my limited talents as a correspondent”. (Aidan Hartley, The Zanzibar Chest) “I don't know who saved the honor of mankind during my time in the field, but I do know that an ancestral memory of tyranny commands me not to keep silent. There is no ambiguity here. I am a witness. I have a voice. I have to write it down”. (Kenneth Cain, Emergency Sex)     

越南李朝兵制与唐宋兵制关系探析

兵制是一个国家的重要典章制度,同时也是维护国家独立和民族繁荣的有效手段。李朝作为11至13世纪中南半岛上的强国之一,十分重视兵制的建设。由于中越复杂的历史联系,李朝立国后在兵制的设置上借鉴了唐宋兵制,尤其是重点效仿唐宋兵制的军事领导体制、武装力量体制和兵役制度等军事制度。不过,李朝兵制并没有完全照搬唐宋兵制,它既吸收了唐宋兵制的精华,又因地制宜地发展出了符合李朝自身国情的兵制,并增设了新的兵种"象兵"。李朝兵制无论是在平定内乱抑或开疆扩土中,都契合了国家发展的实际需要。反过来,李朝兵制也对宋朝的兵制产生了一定的影响,宋朝也参考了李朝兵制对其兵制进行改革。宋朝兵制在改革中充分借鉴了李朝的军事编制,尤其是"军"这种新的军队编制的创设,成为宋朝改革军队编制的开端。从李朝兵制大力效仿唐宋兵制,再到宋朝亦在兵制建设上借鉴李朝兵制的优点,这种相互学习与借鉴,增进了古代中国与周边国家的关系,也进一步促进了二者之间的相互交融和融合,从而形成了今天的中国与周边国家的文化中你只有我、我中有你的文化格局。     

Interrogating the Mediterranean ‘Migration Crisis’

This Forum aims to uncover the socio-politics of the ‘migration crisis’ in the Mediterranean. The contributions explore the idea of the ‘migration crisis’ or ‘refugee crisis’ in the Mediterranean from the starting point that as scholars of the Mediterranean we can do two things: one, we can look at the way crisis introduces processes of bordering to our analysis, limiting our gaze and analytical curiosity to a specific space and a specific time; or two, we can take these limits as an opportunity to explore the wider socio-politics, geographies and economies that contribute to producing this so-called ‘crisis’ and in turn what socio-politics, geographies and economies are produced and their implications.     

Negative Classifications and the Symbolic Order of Social Inequality: Evidence from East Asia

ABSTRACT

This article explains a cultural sociological approach to research on social inequality. “Cultural sociological” means that we do not regard social inequality as resulting only from a distributive order of goods, income and positions, but also from an evaluative order created and reproduced by the actions of social groups. Concerning the topic of this thematic issue, this means that, from a sociological perspective, we see “weakness” not only as the social vulnerability of actors and groups resulting from a lack of material resources, education and power, but also as an attribution and assessment which can have a variety of social consequences. “Weakness” can compel others to help the weak and defend their interests. But if the weak are to be protected and empowered, they must be identified as “weak” in the first place, and this act of identification can have paradoxical consequences. As we demonstrate with evidence from East Asia, the social designation as “weak” can have many adverse effects for the weak groups themselves, because it blames them for their own weaknesses and publicly condemns, disparages, or stigmatizes them. Based on an analysis of the situation of victims of the Fukushima disaster in Japan and of rural migrants and their offspring living in Chinese metropoles, we show how social designations of weakness can produce negative classifications that signal disrespect to weak actors and limit their opportunities for action.     

Model or deterrence? The United States presidential election campaigns and the bundestag election campaigns

This article focuses on the election of the President of the United States of America in 2004 and on the premature election of the Bundestag in Germany in 2005. The main questions which are discussed are: Where can we currently discern central similarities in campaigning, which remain functionally powerful despite the considerable differences in system and context? What can be learned from the United States 2004 presidential election campaign for future Bundestag election campaigns in Germany? Can we observe developments in the USA which we have already seen in the 2005 Bundestag election? Could these trends be useful for the German parties in the future? This contribution argues that there are some developments in the United States which may prove useful to the German parties in future Bundestag campaigns.     

One Thing Leads to Another: Making Sense of East Asia’s Repeated Tensions

Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its neighbors. Much of the existing literature either treats such episodes as isolated data points or as the manifestation of underlying structural factors. In this paper, we argue that repeated tensions can have important effects on subsequent interactions, generating emergent dynamics with dangerous consequences. What is more, we believe those dynamics to already be in play in several of the disputes within East Asia today. Examining recent developments in PRC-Japan and PRC-Philippines relations, we seek to shed light on how iterated episodes of tension are shaping the trajectory of interactions in both dyads. We believe these insights can inform efforts to understand relations in the region and beyond, given the growing frequency and intensity of repeated tensions among actors.     

Religion,Secularization and Democracy in the Mediterranean Region: Problems and Prospects

Political debates in many Mediterranean countries today are increasingly framed in dichotomous terms, highlighting divisions between religious and secular worldviews. In some countries, for example Israel, the issue is so contentious that it is described as a ‘culture war’. While Israel struggles to balance its commitment to a Jewish state and a democracy, it does not seem to matter if the countries in question are democracies or non-democracies, or what their majority religious faith is. Instead, the role of religion in public life or, put another way, the ‘public return of religion’, is a pertinent and controversial political question everywhere in the Mediterranean region. How do we explain this phenomenon? On the one hand, we can point to both economic and demographic changes, while, on the other, we can trace the impact of continuing secularisation. Together these two sets of developments produce new challenges to existing political arrangements.