新闻媒体在政府危机管理中的作用

随着全球化和信息化进程的推进 ,国际、国内利益关系和矛盾冲突日益复杂 ,世界已步入危机频繁的时代。如何成功地应对各种危机 ,已经成为各国政府面临的重大挑战。在社会面对危机时 ,新闻媒体作为一种重要的社会力量 ,在政府危机管理中发挥的作用愈加突现出来。本文详细论述了作为社会“第四权力”的新闻媒体 ,在政府危机管理中所承担的职责和应该发挥的作用 ,并强调了政府与新闻媒体在良性互动关系对于成为解决危机事件的重要性和必要性。本文把“9·11”恐怖袭击事件和全球性的“SARS”危机作为典型案例 ,分析并对比了中美媒体在政府危机管理中作扮演的角色 ,提出我国政府和新闻媒体在应对危机时存在的问题 ,以及两者之间缺乏良好的互动关系的观点。文章最后部分针对“SARS”危机中 ,我国政府和新闻媒体没有能够及时向公众公开信息的问题 ,分别对政府和媒体提出了改进建议。     

公共危机管理中的政府公信力重塑

面对公共危机,政府在危机管理中的理念、行为和效率都会影响其公信力。在应对危机中,政府公信力的下降则可能出现:公众对政府的危机治理意愿和能力产生怀疑而极度恐慌,政府的危机管理缺失社会力量的参与,甚至使政府与民众关系紧张乃至冲突等后果。因此,政府在控制危机的过程中,需要在公共政策运作机制、干部人事管理体制、政府法制建设与管理创新、政府组织与运作、国际沟通与协调机制等方面积极创新, 提高其公信力,并且要确立公共服务型政府、以人为本政府、信息公开和透明政府、依法行政和法制政府、市场观念和有限政府、责任意识和高效政府等现代政府理念。     

构建体制性的政府危机管理系统——恐怖活动猖獗对我国政府危机管理能力的预警

恐怖活动作为社会危机的一种重要表现,在改变社会生活的同时,也正把政府的危机管理能力放上磨刀石。如何将应对恐怖活动作为一面镜子,加强政府危机管理系统的构建,提高政府的危机管理能力,是对世界各国政府,尤其是我国政府的严峻考验。本文试图从体制性的政府危机管理系统这个角度入手,简要介绍危机与政府危机管理,提出我国进入危机频发期的命题,并阐明体制性政府危机管理系统构建的几个要求与主要方面。     

公共危机管理中的政府公信力重塑研究

面对公共危机,政府在危机管理中的理念、行为和效率都会影响其公信力。因此,政府在危机治理中,需要在行政理念、公共政策运作机制、干部人事管理体制、政府法制建设与管理、政府组织与运作、国际沟通与协调机制等方面积极创新,提升其公信力。     

加强政府危机决策能力建设

现代政府面临诸多危机事件,危机决策是政府危机管理中的关键环节。如何不断提高政府的危机决策能力,以应对突如其来的危机事件,是政府必须认真面对的课题。要提高政府危机决策能力,除了树立危机决策意识以外,还要完善信息、咨询系统,加强危机管理知识理论教育与实践训练。     

媒体在公共危机处理中的社会责任

公共危机的爆发具有突发性、破坏性以及不确定性,政府及其相关部门在处理危机事件时离不开各种社会组织与人民群众的支持与配合,其中,媒体具有巨大影响,不仅有报道与传达信息的职能,而且能够引导舆论方向,并且有对危机事件处理情况进行社会监督的职能.媒体的社会责任在很大程度上影响着公共危机处理的效果,因此,广大媒体必须正确履行其社会责任.     

浅析公共危机管理机制

近年来各种公共危机事件频发,一系列公共危机事件不仅造成社会资源的巨大损失,而且严重影响到社会的稳定与发展,危机对于社会的严重危害性已经日益引起各国政府格外重视。如何应对危机,减少损失,愈来愈成为人们所关注的话题。面对各种重大的突发事件做出及时有效的反应,也成了政府对危机的管理的首要内容。针对现阶段政府危机管理机制,简要分析了公共危机事件发生的前中后,事件的管理体系的整套运行机制。提出建立政府现代化危机管理制度,全面提升我国政府危机应对能力,保障我国的社会稳定和经济持续发展。同时对我国公共危机管理机制的建设做出展望。     

政府管理网络舆论危机中的沟通障碍及其消解

中国已经步入了崭新的网络时代,社会转型期产生的大量不和谐因素使政府网络舆论危机爆发的可能性进一步加大。面对网络舆论危机,各级政府如果能采取有效措施,与网民展开理性的对话,进行有效沟通,对网络舆论危机的消解将大有裨益。遵循沟通的特点及其规律,政府应当在树立以网民为本的沟通理念、增强网络危机的沟通技能、提高网民的沟通能力、培植网络危机沟通的中介力量以及推进网络危机沟通的制度化建设等方面做出努力,构建起有效的网络危机沟通机制,在新的高度上重构政府与公众间合作与信任的关系,促进网络舆论危机的顺利解决和社会的和谐发展。     

公共危机治理的社会组织参与耦合机制探微

在经济全球化、社会复杂化和自然环境不断恶化的时代背景下,公共危机治理已成为现代社会不可避免的重要社会行动。有效治理公共危机,不仅要依靠政府,还需要社会组织、企业和公民个人的有序参与。公共危机是对一个国家综合实力的检验,不仅考验政府的综合治理能力,也考验社会组织的快速反应能力。建立有效的全面动员机制,充分调动各种积极因素,能够将危机损失降低。社区和公众的公共危机意识和能力,一定程度上取决于民间团体与政府配合的好坏。社会组织应该成为连接政府与公众的桥梁,填补政府能力的真空地带。建立政府与社会组织的耦合机制,形成良好的协作互动机制,有效发挥社会组织参与公共治理的主体作用。     

新媒体环境下的政府危机管理与舆论引导

我国正进入一个充满危机的高风险社会，以网络和手机为主体的新媒体技术的发展既方便了人们的生活和日常沟通，也为现代社会风险的频繁爆发提供了便利。新媒体由于技术的革新而被赋予的特殊性能，对危机传播产生了重大影响，出对政府的危机管理能力提出更高要求，面对复杂的新媒体传播环境，本文主要讨论政府如何有效应对风险、化解危机。     

Organizing for Crisis Management: Building Governance Capacity and Legitimacy

What makes a well‐functioning governmental crisis management system, and how can this be studied using an organization theory–based approach? A core argument is that such a system needs both governance capacity and governance legitimacy. Organizational arrangements as well as the legitimacy of government authorities will affect crisis management performance. A central argument is that both structural features and cultural context matter, as does the nature of the crisis. Is it a transboundary crisis? How unique is it, and how much uncertainty is associated with it? The arguments are substantiated with empirical examples and supported by a literature synthesis, focusing on public administration research. A main conclusion is that there is no optimal formula for harmonizing competing interests and tensions or for overcoming uncertainty and ambiguous government structures. Flexibility and adaptation are key assets, which are constrained by the political, administrative, and situational context. Furthermore, a future research agenda is indicated.     

论地方政府职能法定化

我国地方政府的职能长期处于不稳定状态，表现为随意性、模糊性、多样性、非规范性等特征。这种不稳定状态已经成为完善社会主义市场经济、建立民主法治国家的障碍。地方政府职能法定化是当务之急。然而在其实现的过程中要解决许多难题，这是一个系统工程，需要做具体、细化的制度安排。     

论政府行为模式从控制向引导的转变

自政府产生以来,都是以社会控制为基本职能,统治阶级的利益实现,社会秩序的获得等,都是通过政府的社会控制去实现的。农业社会的统治型政府是运用暴力和在暴力的支持下去进行社会控制,工业社会的管理型政府则是通过法治的方式进行社会控制,同时,也有着不断刷新控制技术的追求。但是,任何一种形式的社会控制,都会出现"控制悖论",有的时候,也会出现"控制失灵"的问题。20世纪后期以来,尽管学者们围绕政府的社会控制做出了各种各样的探索,尽管政府的控制技术得到不断的提升,但是,社会的复杂性和不确定性也迅速地增长,从而使政府一直处于控制能力不足的局面。其实,在人类社会进入高度复杂性和高度不确定性的时代,政府的社会控制追求如果不改变的话,将会使政府陷入与社会全面对立的境地。在这种条件下,政府必须从根本上放弃控制导向的行为模式,代之以引导取向的行为模式。其中,建构引导型政府职能模式是保证政府发挥引导作用而不是控制功能的正确路径。     

Writing about Rwanda since the Genocide: Knowledge,Power and ‘Truth’

This debate article reflects upon four articles recently published in this journal as part of a special Forum on Rwanda (Volume 8, Issue 4, 2014)—released to coincide with the 20-year commemoration of the 1994 genocide. In doing so it highlights what this author considers to be a crisis in contemporary ‘Rwanda studies’. This crisis—referenced and reproduced to some extent in all four articles—combines methodological (‘how can we write about Rwanda?’) and epistemological (‘how should we write about Rwanda?’) uncertainty against a backdrop of highly polarized, partisan and sometimes personalized research agendas. In exploring this phenomenon, the study explores not only the role of academics (mainly European and Rwandan) but also of the Rwandan government itself, highlighting the rise of ‘activist polities’ such as that in contemporary Kigali. These regimes consider knowledge production to be an aspect of their own sovereignty and this poses fundamental challenges, as yet largely unacknowledged, to parts of Western Africanist scholarship.     

Downsizing,competition, and organizational change in government: Is necessity the mother of invention?

One answer to the question of why government organizations don't perform better—common in academic “public choice” literature but also in folk wisdom—is that resources come too easily, independent of performance. Some businessmanagement literature suggests that a crisis in resource flows can force successful change—”necessity is the mother of invention.” However, the literature also presents an alternative view: that crisis promotes rigid preprogrammed responses, not new ways of behaving. This paper examines the impact of crisis on organizational change in government by examining an organizational change effort in the U.S. federal government (procurement reform during the 1990s) that occurred simultaneously with an organizational crisis involving workforce downsizing and introduction of competition for some buying offices. Using a dataset consisting of a survey of approximately 1,600 frontline government contracting officials, the impact of variation in crisis at different buying offices on variation in behavior change is examined. Necessity was found to be the mother of invention, not rigidity. However, these effects were counteracted by two negative effects of crisis on organizational change: 1) employee resentment over violation of a “social contract at work” reduced behavior change, 2) employee association of the change effort with downsizing reduced attitudinal support for the change, which translated into reduced behavior change. On balance, crisis inhibited organizational change, rather than promoting it. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management     

Public Policy and Behavior Change

Changing behavior is often necessary to tackle societal problems, such as obesity, alcohol abuse, and debt problems. This article has two goals. First, it aims to highlight how governments can try to change the behavior of citizens. Government can use policy instruments to do so, including incentives, bans and mandates, information campaigns, and nudges. However, the government should not be a manipulator that applies policy instruments without societal support. Therefore, the second goal of the article is to provide a conceptual framework that helps analyze whether public policies to stimulate behavior change are effective and supported by key stakeholders. This conceptual framework has five criteria indicating the extent to which there is effective and supported behavior change: the policy is (1) effective and (2) efficient, and there is support for the policy among (3) politicians, (4) implementing organizations, and (5) citizens. The article ends with suggestions to study public policy aimed at behavior change.     

政府公共危机处置的阶段划分与管理对策

公共危机管理是现代政府亟待加强的重要职能之一,为了提高政府公共危机的管理能力,应当科学认识政府危机管理的全过程,正确处置危机管理程序.政府危机管理依据工作重点的不同可分为储备、预警、控制和恢复4大阶段,针对政府危机处置的程序,可以从10个方面加强管理.     

Legislative Committees as Uncertainty Reduction Devices in Multiparty Parliamentary Democracies

Most research on committees in multiparty legislatures in parliamentary democracies focuses on their role in solving intra-cabinet delegation problems. Using a straightforward spatial model, this article discusses how committees can also solve uncertainty problems that arise in settings characterised by unstable coalitions, weak governmental agenda control and a lack of government change. In order to explore empirically how committees solve these problems, the article focuses on the success (and later decline) over the last 30 years of the sede legislativa, a law-making procedure that formalises ‘universalism’ in Italian legislative committees. The statistical results largely confirm the theoretical expectations.     

危机事件中的政府形象和政府危机公关

“9.11”事件标志着政府危机时代的到来。危机对于政府的形象而言既是机遇又是挑战。政府在危机中的一举一动都会受到公众的审视,对政府自身的形象产生巨大的影响,导致政府形象产生“挤出效应”。从而,政府危机公关应运而生。危机事件的特点和政府公共职能的特性决定了政府危机公关的特征。政府危机公关是建立在法律、技术、管理和社会4个支持平台上,在危机的预备期、冲击期、恢复期3个阶段从信息、行为、心理3个方面全面展开危机公关。     

Fear and Anger in Great Britain: Blame Assignment and Emotional Reactions to the Financial Crisis

While we know that emotional reactions are important influences on political behavior, we know far less about the sources of these emotions. This paper studies the causes of fear and anger in reaction to a negative stimulus: the financial crisis. Anger should have been experienced among individuals who believed a specific actor was to blame for the crisis. Moreover, individuals should have been particularly angry if they blamed an actor who should be accountable to them, for example the national government. I test these expectations using a panel survey run in Britain between 2005 and 2010. This data shows that British citizens experienced anger if they held an actor responsible for the crisis. Moreover, they felt particularly angry if they held the Labour government (and to a lesser extent the European Union) responsible. These findings underline the importance of studying the causes of emotional reactions and show how these may be linked to common institutional distinctions between political systems.