A Military Anthropologist Looks at Islamic Insurgency in Aceh

Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1858-1936), a Dutch scholar of Islam, served as a “military anthropologist” in during the Aceh war in the Dutch East Indies. The Acehnese fighters viewed their anti-colonial struggle against the Dutch as a jihad, construing themselves religious martyrs fighting “infidel invaders,” and carrying out suicide attacks with a machete or dagger. To combat this insurgency Snouck Hurgronje, one of the first Westerners to visit Mecca and author of many books on Islam, developed the so-called “Aceh method,” which became the basis of modern Dutch counterinsurgency strategy. This article addresses the question: what can we learn from the life and times of Snouck Hurgronje?     

Understanding the Taliban and Insurgency in Afghanistan

Afghanistan is in danger of capsizing in a perfect storm of insurgency that mimics operations and tactics witnessed in Iraq. This article assesses this insurgency and the re-emergent Taliban. The common view of the Taliban as simply a radical Afghan Islamist movement is overly simple, for that organization has been able to build on tribal kinship networks and a charismatic mullah phenomenon to mobilize a critical and dynamic rural base of support. This support, buttressed by Talib reinforcements from Pakistan's border areas, is enough to frustrate the U.S.-led Coalition's counterinsurgency strategy. At the operational level, the Taliban is fighting a classic “war of the flea,” while the Coalition continues to fight the war largely according to the Taliban “game plan.” This is resulting in its losing the war in Afghanistan one Pashtun village at a time.     

The EU in the peace process for Aceh

For generations, the majority of Acehnese have suffered cruelties and lived in fear even since the last quarter of the 19th century. Albeit it immediately supported Indonesia’s independence in 1945, the armistice in the special province was short-lived. Even the regime change in Jakarta in 1998 has insignificantly contributed to a betterment. In recent years, international mediations for peace settlement had eventually failed. Like a blessing in disguise, the tsunami that hit the region at the end of 2004 increased the chance for a political solution. Within this atmosphere the EU saw a window of opportunity. Through the latest initiative by the [Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) (2005) Memorandum of understanding between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement], the Union’s decision to facilitate the peace process in Aceh was based on political, economic, geopolitical and strategic interests. This paper investigates the motives behind those aspects. It also suggests that amidst concerns in certain circles in Indonesia on the process, Jakarta has been very positive toward the Union’s involvement. Although there are potential risks for Indonesia; however, it simultaneously creates new opportunities to both sides.

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Power-sharing and political party engineering in conflict-prone societies: the Indonesian experiment in Aceh

Establishing legitimate political leadership through non-violent means is an essential step in the rebuilding of post-conflict societies. For this reason the successful holding of democratic elections is often seen as the crowning achievement of the peace process. In recent years, however, it has become clear that elections do not always guarantee the peace, and may in fact, make societies more dangerous.1 ?1. Collier Collier, Paul. 2009. Wars, Guns and Votes: Democracy in Dangerous Places, New York: Harper Collins.  [Google Scholar], Wars, Guns and Votes; Brancati, Peace by Design. View all notes This has prompted political scientists to look more closely at other dimensions of the transition from violent conflict to democratic politics, including the role of political parties. Political parties play an essential role in all democracies, but their importance is magnified in conflict-prone societies. While some scholars have argued that political parties may help to consolidate peace by forming coalitions between groups formerly in conflict, more recent research suggests that such parties may also entrench social cleavages, especially if party formation is based along former conflict fault lines. This article considers these arguments in the case of Aceh, Indonesia, where an historic peace agreement allowed former Acehnese rebels to form their own political party—one based along both ethnic and former conflict lines.     

Theorizing the Expansion of the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria

This research investigates the dramatic expansion of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria in the last few years. Militant activity has expanded in terms of frequency and severity of attacks, geographic scope, target selection, and strategies used. The evolution of the group and the trajectory of violence are best explained through four overlapping theoretical strands. These include the growing fragmentation of the movement, development of strategic ties with Al Qaeda affiliates, strong-armed counterterrorism operations that further radicalized the movement, and exploitation of the porous border area that separates Nigeria from its northern neighbors.     

摩洛哥伊斯兰激进组织、活动及政治主张

摩洛哥伊斯兰激进组织的产生有其复杂的社会背景 ,主要的激进组织有正义会、正义党等。正义会的活动长期受到政府压制 ,正义党则是得到政府承认的合法政党。它们的政治主张不尽相同 ,但在提倡制定渊源于伊斯兰教法的社会议程、反对社会改革 ,以及阿以问题上立场一致 ,两者也都主张进行非暴力斗争。此外 ,在摩洛哥还存在一些宗教极端组织 ,如赛拉菲耶圣战组织等 ,它们主张用暴力方式实现自己的目标。在摩洛哥的未来政治生活中 ,伊斯兰激进组织和宗教极端主义势力将利用时机 ,继续向政府发起挑战 ,给摩洛哥政局造成一定的冲击。     

印度尼西亚伊斯兰教政党的崛起及其发展前景

伊斯兰教政党的崛起是后苏哈托时代印度尼西亚政局出现的重要变化之一,标志着印尼政党制度进一步走向完善和成熟。但由于历史和现实种种因素的影响,在未来短时间内伊斯兰教政党还不太可能在该国政治舞台上发挥主导作用。本文分析了印尼伊斯兰教政党的发展历程和未来前景,对其在印尼政治民主化进程中的影响和作用进行了初步探讨。     

转型中的战略力量：伊斯兰世界

“9·11”事件后,伊斯兰世界在国际社会中的地位、命运与前途备受关注。全面、客观、准确地认识和解读这个“世界”,已经成为研究国际政治特别是美国—伊斯兰世界关系和国际格局演变的一个重要课题。本文首先简要回顾伊斯兰世界的兴衰和对西方的抗争;然后阐述伊斯兰世界在全球化冲击下面临的政治、经济、社会文化等领域的主要问题;接着厘清伊斯兰世界在探求自身发展道路和回应西方挑战过程中产生的不同主张及其实践,包括政治伊斯兰、伊斯兰原教旨主义、恐怖主义及反美主义;最后全面展现伊斯兰世界作为一支转型中的战略力量在国际格局中的地…     

Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana

This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores socio-economic and political dynamics, doctrinal and interpretational differences as sources of Islamic radicalisation and violence among the three major religious groups, namely, Al-tijaniyya Movement, Ahlussunna Waljama'a and Ahmadiyya Movement. The paper further explores how diverse factors such as preaching methodologies, external financial support, the presence of a youth bulge and different doctrinal and interpretational approaches to the concept of jihad serve as drivers of radicalisation and possible mutation into violence. Based on extensive empirical research, it argues that, while identified trends, intensity and frequency of incidences of radicalisation and violence among the three religious groups are, first and foremost, motivated by a struggle for doctrinal pre-eminence, they also have the tendency to undermine national peace and security.     

Islamic radicalisation and violence in Liberia

In the last two to three decades, Liberia's image in Africa has oscillated from one extreme to the other. Historically, the country was seen as a beacon of hope as Africa's first Independent Republic and it played its role in the African liberation process. However, 14 years of civil war have punctured this image and the attendant political and economic difficulties have removed the country from the list of countries to be envied. Importantly, the country's political past is complex and its ethnic composition is diverse but what is often neglected as an identity issue is religion. Although Liberia is widely held as a ‘Christian nation’, largely because of the historical fact that those who established it were Christians, there is now emerging the critical dimension of Islamic concerns in the country. Such concerns could become critical to the national security of Liberia, especially if it connects to the wider sub-regional dimension of Islamic radicalisation. The central argument of this article is that the issue of Islamic radicalisation in Liberia is somewhat peculiar as it never manifested itself in the form in which others have in the sub-region. In this sense, what is referred to as radicalisation in Liberia is more the protests and advocacy of Muslims for their rights on a number of specific issues. While these can serve as triggers of radicalisation, they cannot be equated with it.     

浅析欧洲的"伊斯兰挑战"

欧洲的"伊斯兰挑战"集中反映了欧洲人面对大量外来族群和异质文化出现时的焦虑与困惑.这一问题的形成是多种因素长期作用的结果,如何使日渐庞大的穆斯林族群融入欧洲社会,是当前和今后较长一段时期内欧洲各国面临的一个重要问题.     

Islamic State in Focus

Islamic State has rapidly become a new threat to the international community.It is now staging terrorist attacks in a long list of Western countries including Canada,Australia and France.Compared to Al Qaeda,Islamic State is characterized by the following:1)Its ultimate goal is to find Utopia.This attracts jihadists from around the world;they are following a call to settle the historical feud between Islam and Christianity.It is also stirring up sectional strife between Sunnis and Shiites.Its demagogy has thus far recruited 15,000Jihadists from over 80 countries;2)It has been competing with Al-Qaeda in trying to launch terrorist     

伊斯兰法渊源的整合机制

伊斯兰文化在最终形成体系的过程中，始终以伊斯兰原则与精神为价值取向和指导方针，并以兼容并蓄、广泛继承的开放态度把阿拉伯、波斯、印度、希腊等东西方古典文化融为一体，以伊斯兰文化的形式出现。在这一历史进程中，伊斯兰法渊源作为筛选净化、整合定型机制，是伊斯兰文化体系得以绵延千余年，保持纯洁性、主体性、独特性不变的根本原因和成为独立形态的基本要素。如若不是伊斯兰法学家从《古兰经》、“圣训”中创制演绎出的伊斯兰法渊源，伊斯兰文化体系是难以建立的。     

伊斯兰圣战的理论渊源与实质

伊斯兰圣战是当今国际政治舞台上一个引人注目的现象 ,是国际局势动荡不宁的一个重要因素 ,许多国际冲突和纠纷无不与之有或多或少的联系。伊斯兰圣战在伊斯兰教中占有重要地位 ,《古兰经》和《圣训》对此都有阐述。伊斯兰圣战的实质就是维护和传播伊斯兰教 ,它同时具有征服异教和反抗压迫的双重特性。     

Islamic radicalisation and violent extremism in Nigeria

This article examines the issues underlining Islamic radicalisation and violence in Nigeria, a phenomenon whose latest manifestation through the activities of the Jamā'atu Ahlis Sunnah Lādda'awatih wal-Jihad (widely known as Boko Haram), has attracted considerable concern. It traces the evolution of the phenomenon and identifies the key issues that have explained its pattern of expression. The paper advances three main arguments: first, that Islamic radicalisation and its link to violence in Nigeria is, contrary to the often-held opinion, a phenomenon that transcends socio-economic deprivation and the mutual suspicion that underlines inter-group relations in the country, but also extends to a string of external considerations that intertwine with religion and identity in Nigeria; second, that there are aspects of the country's historical past, including the link with colonialism, that explain aspects of Islamic radicalisation and violence; and third, that greater clarity will come into the understanding of the Boko Haram phenomenon when considered against the background of the country's radicalisation history.     

土耳其伊斯兰极端组织概述

土耳其的伊斯兰极端组织是伴随着伊斯兰复兴运动的兴起和意识形态的分化而出现的,是极端伊斯兰势力对伊斯兰教的工具性解读和对伊斯兰教暴力面的无限放大,对土耳其的政治和社会变革产生了较大影响。土耳其的伊斯兰极端组织互不统属,社会基础、斗争纲领复杂多样,而且许多组织犹如昙花一现。本文主要通过对土耳其伊斯兰极端组织的概述、对颇具代表性的土真主党与卡普兰社团的简介,来阐释土伊斯兰极端组织的基本特征。     

中亚伊斯兰极端主义

中亚是伊斯兰极端主义非常活跃的地区,目前它已成为宗教反对派的一个重要组成部分.近年来,以伊扎布特为代表的极端势力越来越多地介入社会生活的各个方面,参与总统和议会选举,积极获取政治权力.极端主义已对地区稳定、国家安全造成了新一轮冲击.     

俄罗斯的伊斯兰极端势力

俄罗斯穆斯林有2000多万,多数居住在9个共和国内:巴什基尔有250万;达吉斯坦有220万;鞑靼斯坦有200万;车臣有100万;达巴尔达—巴尔卡尔有70万;卡拉恰耶夫—切尔斯克有40万;印古什有30万;北奥塞梯有20万;阿迪格有10万。其中北高加索地区集中了穆斯林聚居的9个共和国中的