欧洲一体化进程中的危机管理

“欧洲之父”让·莫内曾预言：“欧洲将在危机中建设起来。”可以说，欧洲一体化实际上就是不断克服危机的进程。迄今为止，欧洲在其一体化进程中先后发生过法国拒绝欧洲防务共同体、“空椅危机”、丹麦否决《欧洲联盟条约》（即《马斯特里赫特条约》，以下简称“马约”）、欧盟对英牛肉实施禁运、爱尔兰否决《尼斯条约》以及法、荷公投否决《欧盟宪法条约》（又称“制宪”危机）等六次危机。回顾这些危机，总结欧洲危机管理的经验与不足，将有助于加强对欧洲一体化进程及其危机管理问题的认识。     

从欧盟宪法公决看欧洲一体化

《欧盟宪法条约》公决受阻,使欧盟一体化进程再一次遭遇危机。这一结果将对欧洲经济政治产生一系列消极影响,也反映了欧盟内部难以协调的根本性矛盾。然而,这并非欧洲一体化事业的终结,欧洲建设的发展道路过去是,今后仍然是:分歧、争论、妥协、前进。     

区域治理视角下的欧债危机：结构、进程和影响

欧债危机的缘起、治理和影响是全球舞台上备受关注的政治经济议题之一。从其特征来看，欧债危机是一种复合型危机，即债务危机、金融危机、银行危机交织在一起，并掺杂着政治与社会危机。从其内涵来看，欧债危机既是一个经济问题，又是一个政治议题，不仅关系到欧洲国家的经济发展和竞争力，还影响到欧洲一体化的进展和凝聚力。从治理结构来看，欧盟通过政府间结构和超国家结构的调整，保证欧盟治理的韧性和有效性。从治理进程来看，欧盟通过危机管理和深化改革措施解决欧债危机乃至多重危机叠加的问题。从其影响来看，欧债危机及其治理提供了一个思考欧洲一体化及区域治理的特别场域，进一步审视了货币一体化但尚未财政一体化的区域经济货币联盟的治理结构和进程。欧债危机暴露了欧元区乃至欧盟制度的缺陷和脆弱性，为欧盟内部调整提供了改革机遇。欧债危机治理丰富了债务治理和区域治理的相关研究。     

欧债危机与当前欧洲一体化面临的困境

欧债危机暴露了欧盟经济治理体系的内在缺陷,使得欧洲一体化建设面临严峻的挑战。伴随欧债危机的社会经济动荡和欧盟内部纷争将是近期欧洲政治生态的主色调。同时,欧债危机也促使欧盟内部、特别是欧元区必须加快财政经济政策一体化的步伐。完善和强化经济治理体系,意味着欧盟需要进行必要的条约修改,展现更强有力的政治意志,并需要推动政治联盟建设的配套措施。因此,欧债危机也可能成为深化欧洲一体化建设的催化剂和契机。     

“主权欧洲”:欧盟向“硬实力”转型?

面对国际秩序和国际格局深度重组,欧盟在“主权欧洲”的话语体系下推动对外战略转型。多边主义多重受压、地缘政治博弈加剧以及大西洋联盟频现危机是欧盟战略转型的外部推动力量,而一体化的多重危机则是其转型的内部根源。欧盟所追求的“主权欧洲”并非进一步从成员国寻求主权让渡,而是意在提升在大国博弈中的地位。为实现上述目标,欧盟希望成为国际社会的地缘政治行为体,强势推进维护多边主义新方略,寻求平衡的跨大西洋关系,并推动一体化的外向性突破。欧盟的战略转型进程在决定其内外政策走向的同时,将会对世界格局和秩序演变产生重要影响。     

对当前欧盟形势及其走向的几点看法

2005年对于欧盟来说是极不平凡的一年.在这一年,欧洲一体化进程因为<欧盟宪法条约>受阻而遭遇挫折.欧宪条约遭挫,对欧洲一体化进程的影响,以及欧盟未来的走向等问题,值得认真探讨.     

深陷困境的欧盟

尚未从金融危机中复苏过来的欧盟又遭欧洲主权债务危机的打击。欧盟当前的核心难题主要是：经济发展缓慢,国际竞争力下降;欧元危机凸显,货币体系遭遇瓦解的风险;靠借贷维持高福利制度的发展模式越来越难以为继;推进欧洲一体化进程遇到更大的阻力。对于欧盟目前的困境及发展前景的评估,既不要过于乐观,也不必过于悲观。反思过去经验教训,进行根本性改革,是摆在欧盟面前最主要的任务。     

从欧盟债务危机管理看欧洲一体化前景

欧洲主权债务危机爆发两年来,欧盟及欧元区的危机管理呈现如下特色:一方面是紧缩财政,并试图用更严厉的法律条文规范成员国的预算政策;另一方面,在救助"问题国家"方面,采取了"走一步看一步"、被动应对的方式。这些做法有其合理性,但它目前显现的负面效应亦很严重,不仅抑制了欧盟经济增长,使欧元区陷入生存危机,而且冲击了欧盟"民主原则",弱化了欧盟民主的合法性;与此同时,欧盟超国家机构地位下降,而由大国主导的政府间合作成为新的趋势;疑欧主义、民族主义有了进一步发展。未来,尽管欧盟前进阻力增大,但欧洲国家不大可能放弃一体化成果而走回头路,欧盟特别是欧元区内部在经济和财政政策上的协调力度已经开始并将继续加大,欧洲一体化将进入一个新的发展阶段。     

欧债危相与当前欧洲一体化面临晌困境

欧债危机暴露了欧盟经济治理体系的内在缺陷，使得欧洲一体化建设面临严峻的挑战。伴随欧债危机的社会经济动荡和欧盟内部纷争将是近期欧洲政治生态的主色调。同时，欧债危机也促使欧盟内部、特别是欧元区必须加快财政经济政策一体化的步伐。完善和强化经济治理体系，意味着欧盟需要进行必要的条约修改，展现更强有力的政治意志，并需要推动政治联盟建设的配套措施。因此，欧债危机也可能成为深化欧洲一体化建设的催化剂和契机。     

欧盟东扩进入深水区

冷战结束后,欧盟获得在欧洲东部原苏联势力范围发展成员的难得机会。2004至2007年,该地区国家大批入盟改变了欧盟及欧洲面貌。同时,欧盟在东扩进程中也经历了波动与调整。当前,欧盟东扩因乌克兰危机爆发严重受阻,有关政策考虑受到震动。     

German crisis management and leadership—from ignorance to procrastination to action

The financial crisis of 2008 and even more so the crisis of the Eurozone drastically increased the demand for decisive leadership and public crisis management. Due to the size of its economy and its position in the global as well as in the European economy, Germany should take the lead in this crisis management. Germany’s management of the two crises differs but also shows strong similarities. A “center-left Grand Coalition” managed the global financial crisis; a global crisis in which Germany was one among several relevant global players. A center-right government under the leadership of the same chancellor then during the sovereign debt crisis manages the Eurozone crisis. This is a regional crisis but with global implications. German government was slow in responding to both crises but acted eventually after some procrastination. Both cases, however, differ with regards to Germany’s actual role in crisis management. During the global financial crisis, other global actors pushed Germany to the forefront. The Eurozone crisis, a regional crisis, demands a leading role of Germany, the largest economy and member state of the EU. The paper, however, argued that the German crisis management with regards to the Eurozone is very much driven by ideas that preserve German norms but do not live up to the challenges of the crisis. Germany’s insistence in its own interests and norms hinders the delivery of a comprehensive crisis management of the Eurozone crisis within the European Union.     

Leadership, decision-making and governance in the EU and East Asia: crisis and post-crisis

The global financial crisis of the late 2000s has affected the EU and East Asia differently. The EU has seen its economic, political and social structures undermined by the problems derived from the global crisis and subsequent eurozone sovereign debt crisis. In contrast, East Asia has gone through the global crisis relatively unscathed and has seen its standing at the global level reinforced. As a result, there has been a reconfiguration of leadership, decision-making and governance structures in both regions. In the case of the EU, Germany has emerged as the clear leader of European efforts to solve regional economic problems. Meanwhile, intergovernmentalism has replaced supranationalism as the decision-making and even implementation procedure of choice. Differently, there is no single leader in East Asia. China has become one of the most important powers at the global level, but at the regional level, different countries have shaped East Asia’s response to the crisis. Concurrently, there has been some move towards increasing integration, even though intergovernmentalism still defines governance structures in the region. Thus, the global financial crisis of the late 2000s has helped to shape new leadership, decision-making and governance structures in both regions.     

European debates during the Libya crisis of 2011: shared identity,divergent action

The war in Libya of 2011 is generally portrayed as yet more evidence of the European Union (EU)'s inability to formulate a coordinated foreign policy. While the crisis took place in the EU's backyard, joint foreign policy action was hindered by member states' disagreements on whether or not to establish a no-fly zone in Libya. While this is true of political decision-makers, this paper investigates whether governmental decisions were reflected in similar divisions in national news media or whether references to European identity and criticism of European disunity transcended national media boundaries. Comparing a total of 6746 newspaper articles from Germany, France, the UK, Austria and the USA, the findings show that intergovernmental differences did not lead to similarly divided public spheres. Public debates in France, Germany and Austria constantly referred to a European foreign policy identity, though EU identity references were largely absent from UK newspapers.     

The EU’s Asia: renegotiating boundaries, renegotiating norms

The global financial crisis and the shift of economic strength to a rising Asia have ushered in European introspection and allusions to the decline of the European Union (EU). The EU’s ambitions to have a normative impact in the world have been called into question. The seven articles in this guest-edited issue explore processes of change relating to geopolitical definitions, regional actorness, interregionalism, and normative power within the framework of EU–Asia relations. This introduction contextualises the themes taken up in the different articles. It considers important divides in the recent history of Europe–Asia relations and outlines key transformations in the global environment, before critically reflecting on the significance of normative power for Europe.     

Prospects for European Integration as the EU Deals with the Debt Crisis

The debt crisis has profoundly changed the European Union and has added new variables and motive power to European integration. As inter-governmental cooperation has taken the reins in dealing with the crisis,the eurozone is accelerating the integration process in the areas of fiscal and tax policies. The EU’s "dual-speed development" trend will become more obvious.     

EU Development Predicaments

The massive debt of the EU member countries,the short sales of Wall Street,and intensifying media hype have resulted in the continued spread of the European sovereign debt crisis,a crisis that in fact ...     

The common European security and defence policy and the ‘third‐country’ issue

The Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP) of the European Union (EU) was launched in 1999 and has been perceived as a landmark step toward European security cooperation, particularly in the field of crisis management. Still in its early stages, some difficult issues have become apparent. Of these, the so‐called ‘third‐country’ issue may prove to be among the most significant. This problem refers to the necessity of associating states outside the EU with CESDP. In this regard, three states stand out — the United States, Turkey and Russia — and this article considers their concerns and the European response in detail. This is prefaced by a general overview of how the third‐country problem emerged and what the EU has done to address it. It concludes by suggesting that third‐country considerations could well determine where and how EU‐led missions operating under the auspices of CESDP are deployed.     

The Arab Spring and the European Response

Europeans enthusiastically embraced the Arab Spring. However, the EU and its member states have lacked significant influence in a neighbouring region in turmoil. The EU has not devised new and more appropriate approaches towards the region, but rather relied on its traditional tools and frameworks. The Eurozone’s financial crisis and threat perceptions have quickly underminded the readiness of EU member states to contribute meaningfully to Arab transformations with money, market access and mobility. In addition, European support has not been equally welcomed across the region, and delays in terms of building empowered governments have prevented a quick impact. Moreover, the violent power struggles triggered by the Arab Spring have revealed the EU’s weakness with regard to effective conflict prevention and timely crisis management – and thus created an environment averse to democratic transformation and regional stabilisation.     

The evolution of the European Union’s failed approach to Afghanistan

ABSTRACT

This article provides a genealogical account of European actorness in Afghanistan. It argues that European agreement towards facilitating modernisation and development in Afghanistan was initiated with aid and trade, evolving into humanitarianism in the 1990s, and reconstruction and democratisation in the 2000s. The European Union has had a positive impact on Afghanistan, focusing on humanitarianism, but its multilateral and programme level approach to reconstruction and democratisation has failed to meet the EU’s stated objectives. By promoting the flawed “Bonn Model”, the EU is proportionally culpable for failed international attempts to reconstruct Afghanistan; even though the United States has been the primary international actor. Drawing a series of broader lessons, such as tensions between Atlantic solidarity and European integration, and the limitations of the European crisis management, the article demonstrates how European policy has been shaped by crises inside Afghanistan and the larger geopolitical crises these have generated. These have contemporary importance as history suggests that as the US withdraws its commitment to Afghanistan, the EU will have a very significant role in attempting to fill a humanitarian vacuum.