中越关系的回顾与展望

今年是中越建交 5 0周年。这 5 0年来 ,中越关系既经历了“同志加兄弟”的亲密时期 ,也经历了相互敌视的低潮阶段 ,90年代以后 ,两国关系才得以恢复和发展。本文在对这一阶段的历史做了简要回顾的同时 ,对中越关系的现状进行了分析、阐述 ,认为中越关系在历经曲折之后 ,正逐步走上理性、务实、稳定的发展道路     

中越关系正常化十周年回顾与展望

中越关系正常化十年来,两国关系取得了长足发展.中越关系的发展既是双边关系互动的结果,也是不断变化发展的地区与国际形势制约之使然.保持睦邻友好,推动全面合作,符合两国求稳定、促发展的根本利益.只有不断深化两国友好互信、平等互利的全面合作,21世纪中越关系才有可能迎来更加美好的发展前景.     

明初中越关系史值得研究的一位人物——黎澄

在15世纪前期复杂多变的中越关系史上,黎澄(胡元澄)的一生和其官宦生涯历经变故,跌宕起伏。他先是越南胡朝王子,官居高位,后降于明朝,因献"神枪法"、督造火药兵器,为宣宗和英宗器重,以明朝廷臣终其生。他为仕颇有政绩,也是火器专家、文学家,著《南翁梦录》传世,对中越两国友好交往和文化交流作出了诸多贡献。     

近期中越海上问题与中越关系简析

近年来，中越两国在南海问题上时而出现一些摩擦，中越关系因为这些摩擦一直在曲折中保持发展，集中体现为双方高层间保持交流与互动。同时，中越双方还达成一系列共识，从大局和战略高度出发，推进双方全面战略合作伙伴关系，双方还愿妥善处理海上问题，维护南海和平与稳定。尽管中越双方已达成诸多原则共识，但越方在落实海上问题原则共识上需表...     

从主要域外大国的南海战略意图看中菲仲裁案

南海在上世纪70年代就已经开始逐步发生问题,但一直维持相对稳定局面,即使中越发生过几次武装冲突也没有影响南海整体稳定的大局。然而进入21世纪后,当美国与中国的结构性矛盾逐步凸显因而开始视中国为主要战略对手进而决定推行“亚太再平衡”战略时,南海问题急剧升温,日本也因与中国的结构性矛盾更甚于美国与中国的结构性矛盾而不断加大...     

越南，不仅是“同志加兄弟”了

<正>2023年末,中越两位总书记宣布两党两国关系新定位的消息,成为当天全球各大媒体报道的焦点。舆论评价,这是中越关系高水平和特殊性的有力见证。作为山水相连、唇齿相依的友好邻邦,中国与越南在2023年末迎来了两国关系的“高光时刻”——12月12日至13日,中共中央总书记、国家主席习近平对越南进行国事访问。这次访问最重要的政治成果是：双方宣布构建具有战略意义的中越命运共同体,开启了中越两党两国关系发展新阶段。     

中国企业在越南投资的政治风险与防范

1991年中越关系正常化以来,中越经贸合作快速发展,中国企业在越南的投资不断增长,投资行业和投资方式也逐渐多元化.但是,与韩国、日本、新加坡等经济体相比,中国企业的投资总体规模较小,投资区域和行业较为集中,投资发展水平仍然较低.与此同时,由于世界、地区形势的复杂多变以及越南国内情况和中越关系的发展变化,中国企业在越南所面临的政治风险也逐渐显现,诸如东道国制度欠透明和腐败违约问题、投资政策的频繁变动、社会骚乱与工人罢工时有发生、因南海领土争端引发的中越关系波动、地缘政治和域外大国的竞争等因素,已经或多或少地影响到中国企业在越南的投资发展.为了规避这些政治风险,中国政府和企业可以考虑以下策略:在政府层面,不断增进中越政治互信,深化双边经济技术合作,发展两国友好关系为中国企业投资护航;深化中国与东盟各领域的合作,推进中国—东盟制度规范和信息共享平台建设;建立和完善中国海外利益保护机制,加强政府与民间合作,有效维护海外中国企业与公民的生命财产和安全.在企业层面,推进中国企业在越南的本地化建设,努力融入当地社会;提高企业公共外交能力,树立品牌意识和良好国家形象;学习现代化管理经验,完善企业制度建设;建立风险防范机制,购买相关保险服务等,从而有效防范和避免政治风险所带来的经济损失.     

马来西亚对华关系背景分析:以马中建交过程为例

本文以马来西亚和中国建交过程(1949—1974)为例,利用层次分析法和多元启发理论分析马来西亚对华关系的背景。本文首先分析了马来西亚独立前(1945—1957)笼罩在英中关系之下的马中关系,并把它作为分析马来西亚独立初期马中冲突关系的生态历史背景;接着分析马来西亚独立之初到20世纪60年代末马中对抗与冲突关系的深刻背景,揭示国际格局与国家安全利益对一个国家对外政策的决定性影响;然后分析20世纪60年代末到70年代中期马中和解与建交的背景,诠释国际格局的变化、国内形势的发展、关键领导人的个人素养等因素导致一国对外政策的变化;最后对马中关系的曲折发展过程进行了综合分析与总结。     

20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化的特点及对我国的启示

20世纪90年代以来，由于受到经济领域、社会意识等新变化浪潮的巨大冲击，日本企业的经营环境发生了急剧的变化，进而导致日本企业文化的发展呈现出诸多新特点。本文首先阐述了20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化发展中呈现的四个显著特点，然后分析了我国借鉴日本企业文化的必要性，最后结合我国企业文化建设中的不足与问题，提出几点建议和启示。     

反思、探索、前瞻--《转型时代》(丛书)评介

社会转型研究是大约最近20年来国际学术界新兴的一门学科知识领域。20世纪最后四分之一世纪里,几乎在世界各地都相继出现了一股民主改革的浪潮。首先是自70年代中期开始,南部欧洲的西班牙、葡萄牙、希腊等欧洲最后几个权威主义政权发生了更迭,随即拉丁美洲前殖民地国家的军人独裁政权也相继倒台。80年代中期发生在菲律宾、韩国的政权更替则宣告了东亚地区民主化进程的开启; 而紧接着80年代末90年代初的东欧剧变和苏联的解体,标志着这股民主化浪潮发展到了顶峰。在发     

Vietnam’s and China’s Diverging Industrial Relations Systems: Cases of Path Dependency

ABSTRACT

This article explains why Vietnam and China, one-party states that allow only one official trade union, are traversing different paths in their trade unions’ institutional structures, the state’s and trade union’s attitudes towards strikes, their willingness to allow independent trade unions and willingness to engage with the international labour union movement. These will be examined in terms of the path dependency of their recent histories, in which changes have been incremental on a path laid down by pre-existing entrenched institutions, until each national system no longer operated properly and new contingencies obliged the leadership to revamp the system. As a consequence of China’s and Vietnam’s divergent path dependencies, when external contingencies finally forced institutional change, countries have veered onto divergent trajectories – the Trans-Pacific Partnership energising Vietnam to debate the acceptance of autonomous trade unions, while Xi Jinping in China has intensified Party control over industrial relations.     

传统文化、意识形态与当代中越关系

中国和越南是邻邦,拥有共同的传统文化和意识形态,这是影响两国关系发展的重要因素,使得中越两国关系呈现出一般双边关系所没有或者不多见的特点.总的来看,共同的传统文化、意识形态对中越两国双边关系起到了积极的促进作用.     

VIETNAM-US PARTNERSHIP: PILLARS AND PROSPECTS

This essay analyses the foundations and future of the Vietnam-US partnership. It shows that Vietnam and the United States have sought to broaden and deepen the bilateral relations in three main areas: (i) trade and investment relations, (ii) political and security relations, and (iii) people-to-people cooperation. These areas continue to be the pillars for Vietnam and the United States to build up their ties. Given China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and the United States rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, Vietnam and the United States will become closer and will work together to add strategic values to their partnership.     

China’s vietnam policy: The road to normalization and prospects for the Sino-Vietnamese relationship

Americans have both underestimated and exaggerated China’s ability to influence developments in Asia. Many saw the normalization of relations between China and Vietnam in 1991 as a sign of China’s growing regional dominance. This article reexamines the process of normalization against the background of historical twentieth-century relations in order to present a more balanced perspective of China’s Vietnam policy. The author examines China’s role at the 1954 Geneva Conference, in 1973 at the Paris Peace Talks, during the deterioration of relations in the 1970s that culminated in the Sino-Vietnamese border war of 1979, and finally, along the road to normalization. Understanding that Sino-Vietnamese cooperation depends less on China’s leverage over Vietnam than on the convergence of interests between the two countries, the author then explores the major issues in Sino-Vietnamese relations in the 1990s.     

U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS IN THE TRUMP ERA

This paper seeks to examine U.S.-Vietnam relations under the Trump administration. It will concentrate on the political, economic and security dimensions of the relationship. It will demonstrate that the Trump administration's policy towards Vietnam has many elements of Obama's policy towards Vietnam. Though President Trump has focused on the trade deficit with Vietnam, the Trump administration has worked closely with the Vietnamese government to intensify the partnership with Vietnam. It should be noted that in the context of China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, Hanoi and Washington see that it is in their mutual interests to advance their security cooperation. The last two years have witnessed the increasing partnership between Vietnam and the United States.     

New Japan–China Relations and the Corresponding Positioning of the United States—History,Values, Realism in a Changing World

After more than a decade of deterioration in the relations between Japan and China symbolized by the visit of then-Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to Yasukuni Shrine, the relationship finally turned around in 2006–2007 into a qualitatively different one preparing for a new regional order. This was made possible mainly by the realistic perceptional change of the Japanese public on the regional security environment and the corresponding policy change of the Chinese Government on Japan-related histoty. The USA, as an essential stakeholder in Japan–China relations, also has to change itself in order to maintain its presence and interests in Asia and grasp a golden opportunity to build a more stable regional and international order given the drastic change in Japan–China relations which are still fragile due to structural problems. To this end, the USA needs to reevaluate and understand well the changing Japanese perception of history and of the severe security situation around Japan. Also, a Japan–USA–China trilateral partnership framework is now necessary to create a more stable Asian order by a USA initiative.     

Labour Unrest in Vietnam and China: Insurgency or Contained Contention?

This article reviews three recent books on labour politics in Vietnam and China: Angie Tran’s Ties That Bind: Cultural Identity, Class and Law in Vietnam’s Labor Resistance; Jeffrey Becker’s Social Ties, Resources and Migrant Labor Contention in Contemporary China: From Peasants to Protesters, and Eli Friedman’s Insurgency Trap: Labor Politics in Post-Socialist China. These three books capture the changing patterns of labour unrest and labour institutions in Vietnam and China, which are accounted for by the social foundation of resistance as well as the political economy of capitalist development. Their main contribution to the existing literature is that they draw out the new dynamics and new venues within the state that can both enable and constrain labour resistance and struggle in these countries. However, this article also argues that these works have not adequately theorised the nature of change within the state and the role of the law in labour resistance. It therefore suggests that bringing in the law to socio-political institutions is essential to a research agenda that explores continuity and change in labour politics in Vietnam and China as transitional economies.     

日本实施FTA战略的进展和挑战

20世纪90年代末,日本对外贸易政策发生了重大转变。日本政府在1999年发表的《通商白皮书》中首次提出了要在坚持多边主义立场的同时,与其他国家或地区签定自由贸易协定(FTA)或与亚洲大多数国家签定经济伙伴协定(EPA)。日本实施FTA战略在经济上的主要原因是日本看到了美国欧盟都在积极开展区域合作,感到自己有被边缘化的危险,政治上的原因是要抵消中国的影响。目前日本正在实施与新加坡和墨西哥的FTA,同时又正在与马来西亚、菲律宾、泰国、印度尼西亚和韩国进行FTA谈判,并考虑与澳大利亚、越南、瑞士和海湾合作委员会六国进行FTA谈判。日本实施FTA战略对国内农业政策和人员流动政策提出了挑战,在国际上对美国尤其是中国提出了挑战。本文通过对日本实施 FTA战略进展作出较为全面的概述,使我们更加感到中国实施FTA战略的必要性和急迫性。     

革新后越南越中边境民族政策及其对中国的影响

越南革新开放以后,越南党和政府坚持以经济建设为中心,对其民族政策尤其是北部边境地区的民族政策大力进行调整,从政治、经济、文化、教育等各方面制定了一系列特殊优惠的边境民族政策,并取得了较为明显的成效。同时,由于历史和现实等多方面原因,中越边境地区有9个少数民族跨境而居,再加上中国一方边境地区客观上存在着的许多现实问题,使得越南所推行的特殊优惠的边境民族政策对中国一方的边境民族地区产生了许多负面影响,不利于我国西南边境民族地区和谐的社会主义新农村的建设和发展。