The Zimbabwe Women's Resource Centre and Network

The Zimbabwe Women's Resource Center and Network (ZWRCN) generates alternative and critical feminist thinking. The author discusses some of the innovative ways in which ZWRCN has generated space for alternative critical feminist knowledge and analysis, which it believes to be an essential basis for equitable development. A documentation center, thematic debates, talks on gender and development, gender training, the linkage program, lobbying and advocacy, the gender and development database, and book fairs help ZWRCN to achieve its organizational objectives and strategies. Although women are still treated as just another development agenda item, ZWRCN must continue to hone its framework of research, analysis, and advocacy on feminist issues. The ultimate goal is to analyze where power is actually centered and the implications of that for building a women's movement.     

突尼斯妇女法律地位浅析

突尼斯在保障妇女权益方面有丰富的经验。在维护妇女法律地位方面,突尼斯是非洲和阿拉伯国家中取得最大成就的国家之一。主要原因有三:第一是历史原因,突尼斯改革运动为社会解放和知识分子的意识形态变化奠定了良好基础。"凯鲁万婚约"的适用亦有利于国家独立以后执行一夫一妻制;第二是政治原因,妇女解放是突政府最重要的现代化与发展政策之一;第三是社会原因,20世纪80年代以来突尼斯妇女组织对妇女社会地位提高的推动作用。当前突尼斯面临的经济与社会问题可能对妇女现有地位构成一定的挑战。     

Women's empowerment and micro-finance programmes: strategies for increasing impact

This study summarizes findings from a pilot project that distributed information and ran workshops in Ethiopia, Ghana, and India, on women's empowerment and microfinance. The project was funded by the British Small Enterprise Development Fund of the Department of International Development. Links between microfinance and women's empowerment are viewed as optimistic, limited by design, cost effective in eliminating poverty, and a misplaced diversion of resources. Microfinance programs range from small scale self-help groups to large poverty-targeted banks. One model may vary in delivery, group functions and structures, and complementary services. This project identified 3 contrasting approaches to microfinance and women's empowerment: the financial sustainability approach, the integrated community development approach, and the feminist empowerment approach. However, program evaluations revealed the need to question the assumptions underlying all 3 approaches. In most programs, women benefited to a limited degree. Many women did not control the loan use. Most women were engaged in low paid, traditionally female activities, and increases in income were small. Resources and time invested in economic activity were limited by responsibility for household consumption and unpaid domestic work. Microfinance programs sometimes created domestic tension between spouses and loss of spousal income and support. Group repayment pressures sometimes created pressures between women. Many women focused on personal rather than social objectives. The author proposes a gender strategy for microfinance and sets priorities for further research.     

Women in water management: the need for local planning

This article on women's role in water resource management is based on a paper delivered at a seminar organized at the Water and Land Management Institute in Anand, India, in 1994. The article reflects Family Planning International's (FPI) experience in community-based water resource development. Most analyses of village and household water management data exclude women's role. The reasons are identified as the lack of inclusion of women's thinking in land-development research and planning, the dominance of males in planning and consequent male assumptions made about women's work and use of water, the lack of valuation of the nonmonetary nature of women's relationship to water, and the ease of ignoring women. Women's roles that are obstacles to inclusion in research and planning are identified as the lack of effective women's lobbies, the undervaluation by women of their work, and the lack of professional recognition of women as potential users of water or spokespersons for more than their own self-interests as women. National water policies are shifting to community-based management because local authorities are in daily contact with users, of whom about 50% are women. Historically national policy shifted from attention to distribution of investments in the water sector to reorganization of water agencies and to building up the capacity of private or voluntary agencies. The local context allows for more efficient and effective responses to local conditions. Local institutions and groups are better equipped to solicit local participation. One primary lesson learned by FPI is that local water resource planning is very important in strengthening the economic and individual capacity of poor people in underdeveloped areas. FPI's experience in Mahesana, Banaskantha, and Sabarkantha in Gujarat state supports this lesson learned. Water resource development policies resulted in mixed outcomes, and national control has been inefficient and disrespectful to local authorities. Another obstacle in Gujarat to water resource development is identified as increased demand for public water services and inadequate provision of services due to remoteness of the area and financial limitations of central agencies. Infrastructure is poorly maintained.     

Economic crisis helps to "demarginalize" women

This article discusses processes that demarginalize women in developing countries. The case study pertained to women in the Santa coffee growing area of North West Province, Cameroon. Coffee is the main source of income for families. Women obtain land for growing subsistence crops with the permission of their husbands and with pleading. The sharp fall in coffee prices left families in economic difficulties. It forced families to reduce coffee production or abandon coffee production entirely. Women found an alternative in growing vegetables for retail sale. The women formed associations that provided instruction on how to farm, sell produce, and obtain credit. Men observed the increase in income from the women's sale of produce. Women included the men in discussions about their progress and difficulties. Men were thus encouraged to sell their land to women. Women gained power by becoming the sole source of family income. The women's groups helped women improve land use and the use of income. This experience proved that crises can have positive outcomes. Men's power was based on economic control over resources rather than culture or machismo. Women's cooperation with men in nation building resulted in economic independence. Marginalization of women was based on money. Women proved that participation, rather than power, was the appropriate means to social change and more equitable relations. The obstacles to women's power included cultural expectations about their roles and choices, sex discrimination, and lack of access to leadership networks.     

Open Doors and Closed Ceilings: Gender-Based Patterns and Attitudes in the International Studies Association

In 1995, the Gender Research Committee of the International Studies Association conducted a survey of the membership concerning the impact of gender on members' lives. In 2006, the Women's Caucus for International Studies sponsored a follow-up survey utilizing similar questions. A comparison of the findings of the two studies shows increased representation of women within international studies, persistent frustration with the slow pace of progress in women's access to senior positions and in accommodating family issues, some evidence of a chilly climate for women and a leaky pipeline, and significant differences between men's and women's perceptions of the status of women in the profession. The 2006 survey reveals a marked increase in concerns regarding the tension between women's family responsibilities and the academic environment, identification of structural discrimination, and concerns that men have been disadvantaged by affirmative action for women.     

Expatriates as voters? The new dynamics of external voting in Sub-Saharan Africa

Expatriate voting has gained in importance over the last decade in Sub-Saharan Africa. This article gives an empirical overview of existing regulations in all independent states of the continent and examines some explanatory approaches in the African context. One approach claims that expatriate enfranchisement is a functional response to the increasing importance of migrants and their remittances. A second explanation refers to the role of domestic political structures and regime types. A third cluster of explanatory factors links external voting to the interests of political parties. Both in the broader comparative analysis and by looking more specifically at the cases of Ghana, South Africa, Cape Verde and Nigeria, all three approaches specifically contribute to understanding variation of external voting rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.     

The right to protection from sexual assault: the Indian anti-rape campaign

This article reveals a viewpoint that emphasizes some dilemmas among Indian feminist practice, women's sexuality in legal terms, and case law in India. The Indian Women's Movement (IWM) was successful in 1983 in adding a legal amendment on rape and child abuse. The case that mobilized women to change the law occurred in 1980 when a court acquitted two policemen who were charged with raping and molesting a 16-year-old tribal girl. The Bombay High Court overturned the judgement and convicted both policemen. The case was appealed, and the policemen successfully argued that rape did not occur because the girl did not protest and was sexually experienced anyway. In 1980 the Forum Against Rape was formed to mobilize public support and to lobby the State for reform of the law on rape. The campaign focused on custodial rape and political repression, rape as civil rights issue, and rape as a women's issue. There was a distancing between the victim, who occupied a lower caste and class position, and her defenders in the women's groups. The campaign appealed to both the appropriate judgement of the State and the denial that the State was an effective vehicle for change. The campaign did not directly address incest and marital rape or domestic violence within families. The legislature debated the issue of legal change during 1982. The debate revealed deep divisions about sexuality and women's status. It was argued that chaste women were not rape victims, and unchaste women were of a socially inferior caste and class. It was argued that there should be a ban on child marriage rather than spousal rape laws. Child rape is a legal issue only when the perpetrator is outside the family. Rape was discussed as an act of lust and not violence. In 1992, a woman promoting an end to child marriage was raped and the men were acquitted. It was argued that the law was out-of-date and in need of revision.     

Gender lost and gender found: BRAC's Gender Quality Action-Learning Programme

This article describes and analyzes the BRAC Gender Quality Action-Learning (GQAL) Program. BRAC aims to bring about organizational change and improve program quality through issue analysis, action planning, and implementation with an understanding of gender. During the 1990s, BRAC increased the number of women staff and set up a women's committee. In 1993, it piloted a gender training program. By 1994, BRAC did not know what the real problems were. A needs assessment was carried out among 400 staff in various program types and levels and revealed 3 empowerment issues. An intuitive understanding did not translate into creative solutions. Staff preferred non-confrontation in dealing with women's subordination in the family and community. Staff strongly believed in training as a way of changing behavior and values. BRAC is an organization in transition. The goal is changing the relationship between men and women. BRAC needs multiple perspectives of men and women staff and primary stakeholders. BRAC is gendered. Quantitative targets must be balanced with quality improvements. Quality occurs by analyzing the process and outcomes of programs. The GQAL program and cycle began in 1995. The GQAL outcome was improved working and democratic relationships and more open communication. Success was based on, for example, a field-based learning intervention, followed by trained facilitators, and innovative and tested methodology. Constraints were the perceived lack of top management support in some programs, frequent transfers of staff, and natural disasters. The authors identify future issues.     

Accelerate Women＇s Economic Progress and Showcase Women＇s Abilities： 2010 Global Summit of Women held in Beijing

[Editor＇s Notes] Global Summit of Women （GSW） is a non-governmental organization based in Washington DC. Founded by its President Irene Natividad in 1990, GSW, also known as ＂Davos for Women＂, holds its annual summit in different countries. Aimed at building an alliance of women across the world, GSW encourages the forging of ties among prestigious and influential women from political, economic and other sectors,     

The limits to judicial independence: Cambodia’s political culture and the civil law

Distinctions between the common and civil law are crucial when considering the rule of law and judicial independence in a political system. The 1993 Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia provides for a democratic government with separation of powers, judicial independence and human rights guarantees consistent with international legal instruments. However, Cambodia ranks poorly in international indices of political interference and corruption in the judiciary and for the rule of law. Drawing on interviews with Cambodian state officials and legal practitioners, the article situates the domestic judiciary within the socio-political environment and constitutional arrangements in which it must operate and examines the limits to judicial independence in the country. The article argues that the lack of judicial independence in contemporary Cambodia is not only attributable to its neopatrimonial political culture but also to the legal-institutional framework established during the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) period. The legal-philosophical underpinnings of civil law, the nature of the civil law system operating in Cambodia, and how it is interpreted locally, are crucial to understanding the limits to judicial independence in the country.     

Assessing autonomy among Sahelian women: an analytical framework for women's production work

This study assessed autonomy, control over food production, and craft activities among rural Bambara women in Mali. The study intended to show how the methodology is useful for analyzing how the different components of women's work are embedded within a set of social, economic, and environmental factors. Interviews were conducted among 111 women from Gagna, Siratinti, and Toun villages in Djenne region, and 3 Gagna men, 4 government workers, and 3 CARE and CUSO project coordinators. Interviews were conducted and observations made during August 1988 to March 1989, and in February 1990. Women cultivate the delta land, which has been affected by reduced rainfall and vegetation since the late 1960s. Women's production is affected by time, technical knowledge, and husband's permission. Control over garden work is measured by decision-making, control factors, and degree of control for land, water, seeds, access to a "daba", access to a pail, mission restrictions, know-how, time (in general), time for watering, women's physical ability, and produce (cotton, vegetables, and condiments). Women's autonomy is determined by types of factors, impact of factors, economic factors, environmental factors, scale, and relationships between men and women, between women, and between ethnic groups. Women have control over income to meet the family's needs. Neither men nor women control all the components of their gender-based work. Women must negotiate their access to raw materials and assistance. Help usually involves people from outside the husband's family. Non-family networks of friends provide support and services.     

Mainstreaming gender in the police: the Maharashtra experience

This study reviewed the history of sex segregation in the police forces of Maharashtra state, India, and policy interventions since 1994 to reverse the trends; it also describes the process of improving gender equity in the policy department as part of a gender aim to control violence against women. Police jobs are allocated based on gender. Passage of the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act was not implemented fully within police departments. In fact, the Police Force actively worked to keep itself outside the purview of the Act. Supervisors maintained the attitude that women were unsuitable for police work. Women were suspected of lacking in career commitments and were limited to only a small number within the force. These attitudes restricted women's entry, deployment, and promotions. The Government of Maharashtra has been pressured by district level women's groups to secure women's rights and to change the social environment that supports violence against women. The efforts uncovered violence unreported due to social pressure. It was thought that women's greater presence in policy departments would encourage women to report domestic crimes. The policemen disliked the interference of women. Since women were recruited for specific duties, the result was low self-esteem, frustration due to lack of promotions, sexual harassment, ostracism, and reduced job expectations. In 1993, officers received gender-sensitizing training. The training at the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex focused on rules, practices, access to resources, and formal and informal inclusions and exclusions.     

Health,work opportunities and attitudes: a review of Palestinian women's situation in Lebanon

This study examined the health status, employment opportunities, and aspirations of Palestinian women refugees in Lebanon. Data were obtained from 1501 women registered with a UN relief agency and living in 5 regions; 80% lived in camps. 27.6% were aged 20-34 years, 27.1% were aged 35-44 years, and 24.7% were aged 45-60 years. 92% were women with children. About 43% of the 988 women with children had used or currently used contraception. 63% of these women had over 4 children. Among the 24 teenagers, 6 were current users; 41.7% had a child under the age of 16 years, and 62.5% had more than 1 child. Only 25% of all respondents had fewer than 3 children. Short birth intervals were common. About 16.4% of respondents were working. About 25% of mothers and 17% of all respondents never attended school. Tradition, marriage, and financial constraints were reported as reasons for education deficits. A very high rate of women miscarried. 5% had abortions. Mothers reported self-fulfillment reasons for high fertility. Health status included high and early fertility, short birth intervals, frequent miscarriages, lack or misuse of birth control, high child mortality, and lack of knowledge about women's health. Women's work, albeit very limited, was essential to the household. Employed women were older, household heads, and with multiple burdens. Women had aspirations for themselves and their children for education, work, a return to peace, and a home in Palestine. Attainment fell short of aspirations, mostly due to lack of support within the family and the school system, and tradition. Many young women with aspirations had low expectations of success.     

Women targeted and women negated. An aspect of the environmental movement in Bangladesh

There are many ways to solve environmental problems. In this article the issue of energy consumption in Bangladesh and the rapid introduction of improved stove projects illustrates the importance of involving women in decision making that directly involves their lives. 82% of total energy consumption is based on traditional, renewable resources such as firewood, agricultural residues, tree residues, and dung. It is argued that resource depletion is related to population growth, the introduction of high yield seeds and related agricultural practices, and the lack of a sound basis for social and natural forestry. Improved stoves were introduced in order to reduce the depletion of resources. It was assumed that women would understand the value of preserving national natural resources and that energy resources for cooking were becoming scarce. The improved technology had the advantage of saving energy and saving women's time and effort in biomass and fuelwood collection. What was not considered in the decision was the design of the stove which was not adaptable to traditional cooking tools and pots and was more time consuming. The new stoves produced ash too quickly that needed to be removed before the combustion process was obstructed. The stove required straight straw or fuelwood, when available supplies were irregularly shaped. The ash residues could not be recycled, whereas potash could be used as fertilizer. Stoves required the use of a trained and sophisticated user. Stoves were expensive commodities. Women's time was obstructed because the stove needed tending and the usual chores could not be performed while food was cooking. The women in several projects rejected the stoves based on technological, cultural, and economic factors. It is argued that the environmental movement in Bangladesh conceptualized the environmental problem in economic terms but solved the problem technologically. The failure was in imposing new technology on women and in an inappropriate understanding of the situation.     

The revolutionary model of Dr William L. Pierce

This essay explores the revolutionary model propounded by the late Dr William L. Pierce, the founder of the National Alliance. Pierce was keenly aware of the opposition arrayed against his movement and thus outlined a strategy that he saw as viable under current conditions. Although his National Alliance organization was large by American far right standards, it still constituted a relatively small movement. Furthermore, Pierce assumed that the mainstream media were generally hostile to his message. Thus Pierce developed a revolutionary strategy to take these and other factors into account. Although no previous single source fully captured his revolutionary strategy, this essay surveys his previous writings and broadcasts so that his model comes into clearer focus.     

Chen''s Scrappiing of "NUC" and U.S. Predicament

On February 27, 2006, Chen Shuibian announced his decision to cease the operation of the "National Unification Council (NUC) and the application of its guidelines," which further increased the risk of "Taiwan independence." Chen's campaign for "Taiwan independence," which in essence was an attempt to change the status quo, thus gravely damaging the cross-strait relations. The next day,the White House and U. S. State Department made a separate response. On the one hand, they argued that Chen didn't change the status quo as he only "freezed" instead of "abolishing" the "NUC"and its guidelines. On the other hand, they urged the leaders of mainland China and the Taiwan authorities to go back to the negotiation table. ① Such understatement and seeming evenhandedness by the U.S. shows its acquiescence to the reality of Chen's abolition of the"NUC," and its limited ability to control Chen's activities for "Taiwan independence." In the coming two years, Washington's current Taiwan policy will hardly continue to work, as Chen will steadily promote the modification of "The Constitution" and the "legal independence." The U. S. must make an option between allowing the "Taiwan independence" forces to impinge on its "one-China policy' and clearly suppressing the movement for "Taiwan independence."     

Gender and development: a SAFE recipe

It is argued that an alternative strategy to women's involvement in development is the development of a whole "new dish, prepared, baked, and distributed equally" rather than acquisition of a "bigger piece of the pie." The issues of gender and development (GAD) involve women gaining power and control of the decision making processes. Past development has been too much of a "fixed menu" approach. Feminist development involves the satisfaction of the strategic needs of women, an agenda-setting direction, flexibility, and empowerment (SAFE). Strategic gender needs were conceptualized first by Maxine Malyneaux. Within women's defined roles, there are needs for access to adequate and clean water supplies, nutrition, health care, and income. Women in development (WID) approaches are strong in serving practical needs. The SAFE approach combines both the strategic and practical needs of women. Some argue that a focus on strategic and/or practical needs should be conceptualized in terms of changing women's position within a structurally unequal set of social relations. Some emphasize autonomy. The basic concepts of strategic needs is viewed as including the change in women's status and movement toward autonomy. Aid agencies and development groups have been mainstreaming WID and GAD over the past decade by integrating women and women's needs into administration, decision making, and the project cycle. Gender issues could be built into existing development paradigms or could change the existing development agenda with a gender perspective. It is argued that an agenda-setting approach is needed in order to assure that the strategic needs of women are incorporated. Flexibility and adaptation of approaches means that WID and GAD can be adjusted to all cultures. It is cited by Buvinic and Moser that welfare, equity, anti-poverty, efficiency, and empowerment are five ethical policy approaches. The policy approach of SAFE is that of empowerment or the knowledge and exercise of influence, power, and leadership in some or all social relations.     

Dealing with hidden issues: trafficked women in Nepal

This article discusses approaches to dealing with prostitution in Nepal and exportation of women prostitutes to Asia and the Middle East. It is estimated that over 200,000 Nepalese women are in Indian brothels, and tens of thousands are exported each year to other countries and forced either into prostitution or other oppressive conditions. In Nepal, women prostitutes are rejected as wives or daughters, regardless of the reasons involved. Women Acting Together for Change (WATCH) organized a national public hearing in June 1995 on these issues. During the hearing, 11 women and one man shared their views about being forced into prostitution, the ineffectiveness of the law, and social rejection. Participants at this forum questioned the legal practice of human rights and decided that law was a hindrance. Government representatives on the "listening bench" responded defensively and argued that prostitutes were unwilling to use the law, but agreed that the government should punish traffickers and commit politically to ending the trafficking in women. Roundtable discussions among concerned people after a day of hearings decided to initiate a nationwide coalition against the trafficking in women. The alliance would consist of 17 people and include nongovernmental representatives, lawyers, women who testified, representatives of the National Planning Council, and representatives from women's groups. The sex trade is viewed as a part of the national economy and a very profitable enterprise. Extreme poverty and few employment options are strong incentives for the continuation of prostitution. Patriarchal norms reinforce the view of women as born for the sexual pleasure of men. Nepal's national economy and policies have contributed to family poverty and to migration to other countries where women are exploited. The forum revealed schisms in the government commitment to Article 20 of the constitution.     

Political Power and Civil Counterpower: The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement

Civil proindependence associations are playing an increasingly significant role in Catalonia's independence movement, putting pressure on the Catalan government to work decisively towards independence. This has led many Catalans to characterize the movement as a “bottom-up” phenomenon. This contribution analyzes the shifting power dynamics within mainstream Catalan nationalism over the last decade, challenging simplistic notions of “top-down” and “bottom-up” pressures for change. In fact, the movement is now inherently multidimensional—partly thanks to the pivotal role of the cultural elites and their grasp of the power of new media—and this in itself accounts in large part for its success.