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1.
马骏锐 《学理论》2011,(32):30-32
公民有序政治参与是社会主义民主政治建设的应有之义,但目前我国公民有序政治参与的制度化水平较低,个别地方甚至出现政治参与的无序状态。因此,研究公民政治参与的制度构建和实现有序政治参与的有效途径对实现我国公民的有序政治参与具有重要意义。  相似文献   

2.
政府在扩大公民有序政治参与中的地位与作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
扩大公民有序政治参与是我国新的历史时期具有现实意义的政治主张。在公民政治参与不断深入的过程中,明确政府在扩大公民政治参与中的主导责任是当务之急。政治参与的有序展开同政府自身的明确定位和积极引导直接相关。所以要从经济、政治、文化、社会多角度发挥政府在扩大公民政治参与过程中的引导、规范功能。政府要在党的领导下,形成政治参与过程中政府、民间组织和公民之间共向的发展趋势,力求促进公民政治参与的有序发展。  相似文献   

3.
在转型期,我国公民政治参与热情愈益高涨,这是由世界民主化潮流、发展社会主义民主的基本要求及我国转型期经济社会发展的现实状况决定的。在这一时期,我国公民政治参与有其自身特点,主要表现为:政治参与热情与冷漠同时并存,非制度化政治参与呈上升趋势,各种社会组织正在成为有序政治参与的载体,政治性取向的参与日益成为主流。为进一步引导公民有序政治参与健康,必须树立公民意识,尊重公民政治参与权利;把握政治参与的限度,合理地规范和引导公民政治参与;促进信息公开,为公民创造政治参与的条件;创新执政方式,推动公民政治参与顺利发展。  相似文献   

4.
提高公民的组织化程度是扩大公民有序政治参与的重要途径,非政府组织是公民有序政治参与的重要渠道,既能增强民众的公民意识,使其自主和理性的参与政治,还可以通过关注弱势群体、监督权力的运行,降低公民政治参与的无序性。目前,我国非政府组织的发展还处于初级阶段,在政治参与过程中还存在着诸多问题。必须采取积极措施,发展和壮大非政府组织,以扩大公民有序政治参与。  相似文献   

5.
《学理论》2014,(36)
随着互联网的迅速发展,网络政治参与日益成为我国公民参与国家政治生活的重要方式。与传统政治参与相比,网络政治参与发生了巨大的变化。从网络政治参与的含义及特点出发,分析思考了我国公民网络政治参与过程中出现的问题,并为实现我国公民网络政治参与合法、有序、理性的进行提出了若干对策。  相似文献   

6.
扩大公民有序政治参与,是政治民主化提高的重要标志。现阶段我国公民政治参与的总体水平还比较低。发展不平衡,制度化不够完善。扩大公民有序政治参与,必须坚持党的领导,坚持法治化、渐进化原则。在人大代表选举制度、旁听制度、立法制度、信访制度等方面,不断完善公民有序政治参与的机制。  相似文献   

7.
政治参与是现代社会公民表达政治取向、实现自身利益的重要方式。公民有序参与政治是现代社会政治文明的重要特征和衡量标尺。通过价值维度分析,一方面可以全面把握公民有序政治参与的价值内涵,合理定位公民有序政治参与的历史坐标;另一方面可以深刻认知公民有序政治参与的价值载体,理性设计公民有序政治参与的价值实现路径。  相似文献   

8.
曹泽华 《求知》2008,(1):46-46
曹泽华在文章中提出:关于“公民有序政治参与”.一是要明确“公民有序政治参与”是公民行使民主权利和履行义务的统一。这种政治参与,第一要符合合法性.第二要符合有序性,第三要符合亲自性。这三条能在确保国家政治稳定、维护执政党执政权威和执政安全的前提下.不断扩大公民有序政治参与。二是要明确“公民有序政治参与”是有程度性的。这个程度性要随着实际情况,特别是公民政治参与的素质提高而适度提高。过度的公民政治参与和无序的公民政治参与会影响政治稳定,反而会损害人民权利的维护和人民群众根本利益的表达。三是要明确“公民有序政治参与”要与公民自我管理、自我制约相结合。扩大公民有序政治参与必须要有一个良好的政治参与环境.这个环境就是公民自我管理的素质环境。公民的政治参与,要懂得对自己的政治行为负责任。要懂得对自己政治参与程度能有自控的约束能力,要懂得自己的政治参与必须在国家提供的制度、法律做保障下进行。  相似文献   

9.
近年来我国群体性事件时有发生,由此可以看到我国公民政治参与意识日益增强,同时也折射出目前我国公民政治参与机制存在诸多问题。群体性事件发生的主要原因是公民无序政治参与,因此,构建公民有序政治参与是防范群体性事件发生的积极举措。  相似文献   

10.
关于扩大公民有序政治参与的再思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
改革开放三十年来,中国社会发生了巨大变化,表现在社会主义民主政治建设上,则是公民有序政治参与的不断扩大.扩大公民有序政治参与是社会主义民主政治建设的重要内容,当前情况下,我国公民政治参与在不断发展的同时还存在一些不足.分析原因并思考对策,有利于推动公民政治参与的进一步发展.  相似文献   

11.
政府廉政评价的公民参与机制研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
构建政府廉政评价的公民参与机制,可以促使公民建立对反腐倡廉的理性认知,增强党和政府廉政工作公信力,提升公民满意度。依据参与深度的渐次推进,公民参与廉政评价对廉政建设能够发挥象征功能、鉴定功能、诊断功能、监督功能、战略功能。案例梳理表明,在当前中国各地政府实践探索中,政府廉政评价已逐步从内部评价走向引入民意调查和第三方评估,公民参与正处于从"无效参与"向"有限参与"的推进阶段,只是参与式评价的政府主导色彩仍然浓重。要想进一步增强公民参与廉政评价的动力,使公民在廉政评价动态过程的各环节实现主体身份,关键在于激发被评价对象和参与者两个方面的内在动因,形成公民参与的拉力和推力,进而从"理念—制度—环境—手段"四维度构建公民自主、有序、有效参与廉政评价的合理机制。  相似文献   

12.
建设廉洁城市就是将预防腐败的基本要求与城市治理紧密结合,推动城市治理方式转型,建立多元主体共同参与的现代城市治理体系,推动惩治和预防腐败体系建设向纵深发展。牢固树立科学权力观,建立科学的权力结构,形成均衡的社会结构和创新权力制约模式,这是建设廉洁城市的基本任务。转变政府职能,建设有限政府;理顺政府与市场关系,建设廉洁市场;理顺政府与社会关系,建立廉洁社会;理顺政府与公民的关系,扩大有序参与,这是建设廉洁城市的基本路径。加强顶层设计,这是建设廉洁城市的重要保证。  相似文献   

13.
Since the early 2000s, local governments in China have been holding public hearings to solicit opinion from state, city and township residents about legal and administrative issues. Having begun with a relatively small participation rate, in the last 10 years public hearings have achieved sustainable growth in their frequency and visibility in mainstream and social media. Given that public hearings do not offer decision-making power, the increased participation rate reveals an influence not necessarily on public policy making, but on urban citizens’ attitudes towards available participatory and deliberative mechanisms. This article refers to three bodies of literature: political efficacy, deliberative democracy, and social movements. The literature on political efficacy reveals the link between political attitudes and behaviors. The literature on deliberative democracy is an important part of the analysis because Chinese public hearings are based on deliberative designs imported from North America and Western Europe. The literature on social movements complements the deliberative analysis undertaken in an authoritarian context by providing it with conceptual tools to adapt to this new setting. The public hearings held in Guiyang (Guizhou), Wuhan (Hubei) and Qingdao (Shandong) in 2010 and 2011 are used as case studies to demonstrate participation demographics and the impact of public hearing participation on city dwellers. This article investigates the impact of participation in public hearings on the political efficacy of Chinese citizens, and, based on the results, contends that such participation equips the participants with an increased level of political efficacy, and enables the development of political networks and citizen strategies that help to constrain local officials.  相似文献   

14.
This article studies political participation in the context of decentralisation in Europe. Recent secession attempts demonstrate how the demand for decentralisation energises citizens. Yet the fact that decentralised institutions, initially, were endorsed to increase citizens’ participation is often neglected. In order to test this contention empirically, three theoretically informed arguments are developed, making use of the most recent data on regional authority for 282 regions in 20 European countries. Results of three-level hierarchical models lend support to the arguments. Regional self-rule increases probabilities to engage only in more demanding and less common forms of participation. It also acts as a political opportunity structure, moderating the influence of individual driving forces of participation. Participatory effects on protest activity, however, turn out to be endogenous, as the instrumental variable analysis indicates that decentralisation does not increase protest, but rather the reverse. These findings seem relevant to the current heated debates both on secession attempts and waning political involvement.  相似文献   

15.
Political knowledge is a powerful predictor of political participation. Moreover, what citizens know about the political system and its actors is a central aspect of informed voting. This article investigates how and why political knowledge varies between citizens. The analysis is comparative and based on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. At the micro level, the results confirm results from national surveys – specifically that education explains what citizens know about politics. It is found in a contextualized analysis, however, that the effect of education varies with the country's degree of economic redistribution. In more egalitarian countries, political knowledge is less contingent on education attained than in more inegalitarian countries. Similarly, education seems to have a stronger effect in countries with majoritarian electoral systems compared to countries with proportional systems.  相似文献   

16.
王雁红 《公共管理学报》2011,8(3):24-32,124
随着我国政治民主化进程的推进以及公民意识的日益觉醒,公民有序参与公共政策制定过程这一议题备受学者、政府官员与民众的关注。本文特选取获得2010年中国地方政府创新奖的杭州开放式政府决策为研究对象,从公共政策制定过程视角出发,剖析杭州开放式政府决策的过程、决策特点和公民参与的形式,总结并诠释杭州市开放式政府决策的实践作法与相关经验,认为构建公共政策制定过程中的公民参与机制关键在于回答好四个问题:谁参与、参与什么、怎样参与以及参与效果如何。  相似文献   

17.
Immigrants, who comprise a growing group in many European countries, are usually under-represented in the political process. Sweden's immigrant policy, with its far-reaching social and political rights, liberal citizenship laws and respect for cultural differences, is often regarded as an exemplary model of how to integrate immigrants in society. The 1975 electoral reform in Sweden gave immigrants the opportunity to become active in the democratic process by allowing foreign citizens to vote in local political elections. This article examines the political and organizational participation of immigrants. The findings indicate widespread and significant exclusion and under-representation of immigrants in political and organizational life. We argue that immigrant political participation is best understood in terms of a tension between individual characteristics and institutional and organizational factors. In particular, the long-term exclusion of large numbers of immigrants from labor related organizations is shown to be an important obstacle to their further social and political participation.  相似文献   

18.
Theoretical and empirical research shows that political representation is a dynamic process repeatedly connecting citizens and political elites. However, less is known about how citizens alone experience the process of political representation and connect electoral participation with representation. This article combines different literature pertaining to the representative process in a dynamic framework. It explores causality between electoral participation and perceived responsiveness in citizens' minds using unique panel data. By arguing for two-way causality and the existence of a virtuous circle, the paper refines the concepts’ relationship beyond traditional conceptions that currently dominate the literature on electoral behaviour and participatory democracy. The results indicate that the representative process may be a self-sustaining experience for citizens over time.  相似文献   

19.
This paper aims to examine the role of individual resources in explaining African political participation. If political participation is costly and requires inputs in terms of individual resources, and citizens in young developing country democracies face comparatively high participation costs and have more limited individual resource endowments than citizens in more established democracies, a resource approach to political participation should be particularly relevant in the African setting. On the contrary, however, empirical findings drawing on recent data for more than 27,000 respondents in 20 emerging African democracies suggest weak explanatory power of the resource perspective. Often, the relatively resource poor actually participate to a greater extent than the more resource rich. The results are encouraging in that they suggest fairly broad-based political participation, but also call attention to the need to evaluate the motivational forces behind the decision to take part.  相似文献   

20.
This study of municipal e-participation in Norway, comprising local politicians as well as citizens, explores the impact of municipal size on online participation. First, the analyses show that the conventional predictors of offline participation also influence online participation, but the Internet encourages more activity among young people. Second, the same digital divides are generally found within the local political elite as among the citizens. Municipal size is, however, an exception. In the case of the local politicians, higher online participation rates are found in populous municipalities. This territorial digital divide is absent among the citizens. The findings indicate that the relatively high level of traditional participation in small municipalities also promote e-participation.  相似文献   

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