日本与多边海上安全机制的构建

近年来,日本积极致力于在亚太地区构建以日本为主导的多边海上安全合作机制,其核心内容是联合亚太地区的海洋国家和岛国开展海上共同执法活动,其主要目的是帮助美国填补因政治等因素而无法直接军事介入南海以及马六甲海峡而导致的安全保障上的空白。对此,中国除应继续倡导共同安全、综合安全等新安全理念外,还应主动参与这一机制,以把握本地区海上秩序的走向,防止亚太地区的海上安全机制朝着准军事同盟的方向发展。     

Japan and China: Security interests in the post-Cold War era

This article examines the role of Japan in relation to China’s security interests in the post-Cold War era. The first section assesses Japan as a potential security threat to China at a time when Japan appears to be re-emerging as a great power. It analyzes the possible rise of nationalism in Japan today, including discussion of China’s dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. The second section looks at how Japan can actually enhance China’s security interests, particularly in the economic sphere. Japan’s contribution to China’s modernization drive is assessed. It is argued that Japan seems to enhance China’s security interests more than it poses a threat, partly because of the economic benefits China derives from trading with Japan, and partly because Japanese foreign policy has hitherto been kept in check by the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty.     

Security in Asia: Roles and tasks for Japan and the US

Beyond any doubt, Japan and the United States share common security interests in Asia and must take active measures to strengthen their alliance, because their alliance is the foundation for Asia's peace and prosperity, argues Motohide Hashimoto. Hashimoto is a senior research fellow at IIPS who was seconded from the Ministry of Finance, where he is a specialist in fiscal and monetary policy. He worked at the Defense Agency's Bureau of Defense Policy from 1990–1992.     

Security dimensions of Soviet territorial disputes with China and Japan

The advent of Mikhail Gorbachev’sNew Thinking has produce a Soviet strategy toward East Asia that seeks a détente with China and Japan. An essential part of this task involves settling the territorial disputes that both countries have with the USSR. Present negotiations on the Sino-Soviet border have produced compromises, yet differences remain. Intractable positions by Japan and the USSR on the Northern Territories issue have resulted in a standstill that has prevented formal negotiations. This article analyzes the strategic-miliatary choices that Soviet leaders will have to make as they address the territorial disputes, examine possible compromises and their consequences for Soviet security, and assess the overall prospects for settlement. Rajan Menon is associate professor of international relations at Lehigh University and author ofSoviet Power and the Third World (Yale University Press, 1986). During the 1989⊋ash;90 academic year he is serving as a research scholar at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and as a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow on the staff of Congressman Stephen J. Solarz (D-NY).     

Changing Security Relationship between Japan and South Korea: Frictions and Hopes

Japan has long played the role as the main operating base for Korean contingencies. It has also provided rear-area logistic support to the US forces fighting in Korea and helped South Korea build up its defense industrial base. However, the Japan-South Korea relationship has deteriorated in recent years due to short-term political and long-term economic and strategic reasons. At this point, South Korea is bandwagoning with China and deemphasizing its relationship with Japan. China-South Korea relations are not without problems, however, and Japan regards South Korea as one of the most important potential strategic partners in maintaining stability in Asia. In the future, the most decisive factor in determining the direction of the security relationship between Japan and South Korea will be China.     

冷战后日本与东盟地区安全合作的限制因素分析

东盟和日本作为东亚地区体系的重要参与者,二者关系的发展与变化影响东亚未来的安全走向。冷战后,日本和东盟都奉行"综合安全"的观念,安全目标的重叠构成二者合作的基本条件。然而二者因原动力即各自利益追求不同而导致追求安全的目标以及路径也有所区隔。认知差别、权力结构和规范因素构成了限制二者合作的三个主要变量。在不同程度上三个方面的问题与二者获得综合安全的路径相互影响。而二者在多边安全合作对话平台中的摩擦与分歧恰可作为安全合作挑战的注脚。     

Advancing the Role of Social Mechanisms,Mediators, and Moderators in Securitization Theory: Explaining Security Policy Change in Japan

ABSTRACT

In this article, I further develop the Copenhagen School’s securitization theory in a causal direction, by emphasizing the explanatory family of mechanisms, mediators and moderators. In the first half of this article, I present two models for conceptualizing the causal maps that securitization is part of. Next, I define five epistemological and methodological dimensions that are important for modelling securitization with causal power. The proposed approach is then put into practice by two most-similar case studies in the second half of the article: securitization attempts in Japan in 2006-07 and in 2012-15. By comparing his securitization efforts in 2006 and in 2012-15 respectively, I identify why PM Abe was successful in his securitization attempt in the latter period. Furthermore, I propose an explanatory set that together with securitization enabled certain effects to take place in Japan, namely the introduction of collective self-defense in 2014/15.     

新冠疫情背景下中日韩粮食安全合作的空间与战略

具有不同资源禀赋的中日韩三国,原本存在着不同程度的粮食安全问题.新冠疫情冲击了国际粮食产业链,干扰了世界粮食生产与贸易的正常运行,使得中日韩三国的粮食安全问题再度凸显.尽管中日韩已初步构建起政府间粮食合作机制,但存在机制议程化现象和农产品保护主义盛行等诸多问题.新冠疫情推动了经济全球化向本土化、区域化方向的转变,促使中日韩三国更加深刻地意识到彼此间高度相互依赖关系的同时,也提升了中日韩粮食安全合作的必要性与紧迫性.三国应共同努力,从供给、流通和市场三个层面扎实推进实质性的合作进程.     

中日海上非传统安全合作:意义、现状及路径

加强海上非传统安全合作,是中日构建建设性安全关系的一条有效路径。它对缓解中日间可能的海洋战略冲突、增强防务部门间的“行动互信”,以及建构更为积极的地区安全格局乃至共建“海洋命运共同体”,都有着重要的作用。中日海上非传统安全合作政策理念上基本一致,而且同时参加了大多数相关国际条约和对话及合作机制,但依然存在发展不同步、双边机制不完善、联演联训密度和深度不够等系列问题。中日应在总体合作框架、具体对话和合作机制、合作领域先后次序以及联演联训类型模式等方面,强化双边的海上非传统安全合作。     

Sovereignty in the South China sea

Abstract

In January 1974, when fighting broke out between Saigon forces and Chinese in the oil-promising South China Sea, the American establishment news media tended to assume that the Chinese, being communists, must have been the aggressors. Those reporters who were quickly able to attune themselves to the official State Department line, however, refrained from making any judgment regarding the merits of the controversy. And well they might have, for the assertions of America's client regime regarding the various archipelagoes are at best dubious. Official U.S. Government maps designate the islets by their Chinese (not Vietnamese) names, and neither Hanoi nor the Provisional Revolutionary Government has stated any claims in the region.     

论东日本大地震对在日华侨华人未来发展走向的影响

3·11东日本大地震以及由此引发的海啸和核泄漏,给在日华侨华人造成了新的迷茫和困惑.战后日本长期以社会稳定与经济繁荣而为人称道,而现今的日本是否还是值得留恋的宜居之地?在日华侨华人面临着新的抉择.日本《中文导报》与笔者的“问卷调查”显示:尽管感到在日本生活幸福的华侨华人的比例,与地震前相比,基本没有太大变化,但分析问卷结果,可以预测在不久的将来会出现留日学生减少、新华侨华人归国人数增多的现象,日本华侨华人社会将面临成长停滞或规模萎缩的可能.     

Shifting Domestic Politics and Security Policy in Japan and Taiwan: The Search for a Balancing Strategy between China and the US

This article examines the impact of the changed domestic political environment in Japan and Taiwan in the second half of the 2000s, namely the arrival of administrations with a more moderate China policy, on their respective relations with Beijing and Washington. It seeks to find out the extent to which Japan under the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and Taiwan under the Kuomintang (KMT) may have attempted a policy shift towards accommodation of China at the expense of their respective security ties with America. The article also examines how much impact upon security policy can be traced to the changes in domestic politics in the two cases. The discussion suggests that, irrespective of the altered domestic political situation, the concern that China's growing military power may adversely affect national interests has largely trumped the political will for seeking accommodation, more so in the Japanese case than in the Taiwanese case. While both Tokyo and Taipei have avoided deferring to Beijing's interests, each has sought to strike a delicate balance between engaging China and maintaining defense ties with the US.     

日本陪审制重建之探究

2009年5月,日本正式实施了于2004年通过的《陪审员法》。这是陪审制阔别日本66年后的重生,是日本司法进入新时代的标志。日本在建立陪审制的过程中,经历过失败,又因为种种原因而无法放弃陪审制。如今,陪审制重建,日本政府吸取了历史教训,从本国司法环境出发,对西方陪审制进行了本土化的改造,并利用5年的时间普及新制,为陪审制的正式实施打下了广泛的民众基础。其改革过程,有许多值得中国司法改革借鉴学习之处。     

非传统安全合作与东北亚安全共同体的构建:基于中日韩环境安全合作进程的评价

冷战后非传统安全问题的凸显在一定程度上改变了东北亚国家之间在传统安全语境下零和博弈的关系态势。共同面对的非传统安全问题有利于促进地区性身份认同的构建和我们感的形成,并激发出共同解决问题的意愿,进而形成稳定的合作应对机制。中日韩三国在环境领域的合作历程表明,一定范围内、一定意义上的东北亚环境安全共同体已经形成。随着社会经济的发展,不但安全观和共同体观会发生变化,国家利益、地区利益和社会利益的关系模式也将会发生变化,因此我们有理由对东北亚地区共同体的构建持乐观态度。