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1.
If Armenian and Azerbaijani negotiators ever agree on the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, it will not necessarily resolve the long-running conflict, because any peace treaty would require the consent of the Karabakh Armenians, whose political representatives are currently excluded from peace negotiations. It is difficult to imagine the Karabakh Armenians consenting to such a treaty without a change in their perception of the Azerbaijanis. According to the theory of conflict transformation/peacebuilding, Nagorno-Karabakh’s civil society should be able to make a contribution to this change. Using the example of four Nagorno-Karabakh civil society organisations, this study shows how they positively or negatively influence conflict transformation.  相似文献   

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This article explores the historical and recent patterns of Armenian emigration and immigration and the impact that the population shifts have had and are having. The interconnections between peoples' homeland and new land and the intersection among institutions in the homeland and new land are illustrated. The development of social work as a profession along with a variety of non-governmental organizations in Armenia developed through a unique collaboration between a school of social work in the United States and the major university in Armenia is discussed and illustrated.  相似文献   

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Marc Dietrich 《欧亚研究》2020,72(2):238-262
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The conflict-prone peninsula of Crimea is again—since its annexation—the theatre of new conflict scenarios. When it comes to understanding the de-escalation and increasing potential of complex hybrid conflicts, theories in international relations are too often trapped in their state-centred perspective. Meanwhile, the role of the individual actor, alone or organised, often remains underestimated as political and moral agent. In this essay, I shed light on a critical yet politically practicable individual-centring notion of cosmopolitanism, which is framed by a set of universal principles and provides alternative insights to conflict de-escalation scenarios in Crimea beyond limiting state-centric paradigms.  相似文献   

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In 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Armenia declared its independence and thus began her abrupt journey back to democracy and a free-market economy. Using semistructured interviews, this study examined the differences in values, beliefs, and attitudes among three differnet age groups of Armenians about the post-transition world. The groups were Generation1 (those who lived under the Soviet system), Generation 2 (those who grew up under the Soviet system and have lived in the post-Soviet Armenia), and Generation 3 (those who were either still children during the Soviet Union or were born after its demise). The study found one major theme for each cohort: nostalgia, ambivalence–nostalgia, and euphoria–nostalgia, respectively. Nationalism was common to all groups, though not as prevalent as nostalgia. The study can help expand understanding of the link between micro issues (e.g., values, beliefs, and attitudes) and macro issues (e.g., history, economic systems, post-Soviet transition, and globazliation), as well as provide insight into the policy implications of micro issues.  相似文献   

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Palestinian society and economy are slowly being dismembered. The transformations in land, labor, demography, and society have been stunning. The current context has many dimensions but is defined primarily by Israel's continued occupation of Palestinian lands. That context is also defined by the deterioration of the Palestinian economy, a humanitarian crisis characterized in large part by levels of impoverishment and social decline that have no parallel during Israel's 36-year occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, and the destruction of ordinary life. Not since 1948, perhaps, have Palestinians faced such conditions of loss and dispossession. Left unaddressed (as they are by the current US road map), these conditions will not only preclude a peaceful resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, but also seriously constrain Palestinian socioeconomic recovery and development.  相似文献   

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This article is the first to explore the Israel Defense Forces's official statistical data on Palestinian terrorism toward Israeli targets during the al-Aqsa intifada 2000–2004. Focusing the analysis on the logic of terrorist target choice, the article identifies two separate results: First, an unambiguous difference in the form of the attacks contingent on whether they are carried out in the state of Israel or in the Occupied Territories. Second, based on the same distinction, the analysis points out how the attacks are targeted toward distinctively different categories of the Israeli populace. Causes of the results are discussed.  相似文献   

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The article provides a critical reading of various related discourses, depicting the political motives behind the conflict in Chechnya as a battlefield of the global jihad. These narratives have sought to present the involvement of external Islamist groups as a major factor in the conflict, and to portray many of the main groups within Chechnya as subscribing to a jihadist ideology. The authors suggest an alternative narrative focusing on the significance of the blood feud in the societies of the North Caucasus. It is argued that it is necessary to differentiate between the radicalisation of the resistance as such and the strengthening of the ideology of jihad. It is concluded that the resistance currently assumes a supranational character, yet one which is delimited regionally rather than globally.  相似文献   

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熊伟 《当代世界》2009,(5):58-59
2008年以来,国际政治、经济格局发生了深刻变化,而中国外交在继承的基础上进行了许多创新和调整,其中特别令人瞩目的一点是,多边外交在中国外交中的分量显著增加,其地位有了质的飞跃。  相似文献   

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This article reports the findings from a nationwide survey of MPA directors’ perceptions of their programs’ conflict. The survey explored the directors’ general perceptions of their programs’ conflict and perceptions of conflict associated with thirty programmatic areas. The survey was designed to test commonly held assumptions that programs delivered by political science departments, business schools, and unconventional structures are more conducive to conflict than independent departments and schools of public affairs and administration. The article also explores the relationship between conflict and program effectiveness.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯车臣冲突中的法律战研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
狭义的法律战是指发生武装冲突时,特定主体为获取和维护其利益而进行的法律交锋.俄罗斯车臣冲突中,俄罗斯为维护其国家和民族利益,灵活运用国际法,与其交战方围绕统一与独立、人权和人道保护,以及打击恐怖主义等问题进行了多层面的法律斗争.总结其法律战的经验教训,具有积极的现实意义.  相似文献   

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Did the 1915 genocide of the Ottoman Armenians play a role in the genesis of the Karabakh war? In the early phase of the conflict, many Armenian activists and politicians drew parallels between the evolving struggles of the present and the traumatic events of 1915. This essay explores the ways in which Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey have referred to the events of 1915 to formulate their policies towards the conflict. The essay argues that the largely suppressed past trauma was present in the mass psychology of the conflicting parties, although in radically different ways, and that it shaped developing events. After depoliticising genocide commemorations in the early years of its independence, Armenia has recently witnessed an increase in references to the genocide in political discourse. The same also applies, somewhat paradoxically, to Azerbaijan, which has developed its own state-sponsored discourse of genocide, vehemently denying that the genocide took place while portraying Azerbaijan as a victim of genocide itself. This exchange of roles clearly needs further explanation.  相似文献   

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In recent years, the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) has been politically marginalized. The current Gulf crisis may serve to reinvigorate the ANO as a significant actor in the Middle East. As an organization with its raison d'être rooted in violence, there is a paucity of literature concerning the ANO. It is, therefore, a useful exercise to collect and collate available information to construct a study of this organization.  相似文献   

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Will China's authoritarian leaders succeed in building a future by erasing the past? Can the ideology of “nationalist consumerism” obliterate memory altogether? Will the Olympic applause drown out the weak and exiled witnesses of the Tiananmen crackdown? In this section we listen to a key Tiananmen student leader two decades on as well as check in with today's young elites in Beijing. A political leader from the reformist regime in 1989 calls for justice from house arrest and a young Chinese novelist wonders what kind of identity is possible without memory.  相似文献   

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