Murder in the Family: The Menendez Brothers

Childhood sexual abuse is currently a problem of considerable concern. Research suggests victims experience both short-term and long-term effects due to the unresolved trauma of sexual abuse. Erik and Lyle Menendez were convicted of first-degree murder of their parents, Jose and Kitty Menendez. During the trial the defense presented an argument of alleged sexual abuse, stating that the brothers committed the murders in fear for their lives. The aim of this paper is to explore the Menendez trial in detail from sides of the defense and prosecution, and review the pertinent literature concerning the effects of childhood sexual abuse as they apply to the case. The matter of whether or not the abuse did in fact occur remains in question. The ethical issues of sexual abuse are examined where one must decide whether Erik and Lyle Menendez are responsible for their actions if the sexual abuse did occur.     

Terrorism in Britain: Threat,reality, response

Abstract

As international terrorism has intensified worldwide during the last two decades, Britain has become a primary target. Internationally, it is vulnerable because of its position as a leading member of the Western European Community; and domestically, it continues to be a target of the IRA's exportation of violence from Northern Ireland to England.

In an effort to confront this rise in international and domestic terrorism, Britain has proven herself willing and able to respond. This response has incorporated antiterrorist legislation, strong administrative measures, and an outstanding special military unit.     

Democracy,confusion, or chaos: Political conditionality in Kenya

We argue that the policy of conditioning all economic development aid on a process of democratization is a mistake. Good economic policy should be rewarded for its own sake. The process of democratization is costly to participants, and forcing it prematurely can lead to institutional collapse rather than development. Unclear definition of political conditionality has made donor policies inconsistent and capricious. We make these arguments conceptually and then review the experience of one of the most explicit cases of conditionality-induced “democratization”—Kenya. An aid cutoff stimulated the government to hold multiparty elections for the first time in many years. Despite the apparent success, the human and economic costs have been high, and the political changes less than donors hoped.     

State formation,development, and the politics of self-help in Kenya

Issues of rural development, state formation, and political effectiveness are of paramount importance in Africa today. Analysis of Kenya's Harambee self-help approach to development contributes to our understanding of these issues by clarifying not only the ways in which political and economic concerns are linked in one African nation in a hierarchy based on a patrimonial model of political behavior but also some facets of elite behavior and peasant-state relationships. This paper argues that self-help is central to Kenyan politics and hence to the operation of this model of political behavior, serving the interests and needs of both Kenyan elites and rural communities. Through their self-help projects rural Kenyans neither reject the state retreating into the economy of affection nor permit elites exclusive access to the benefits of both public and private resources. Rather, using elite networks to gain support for self-help projects, residents of rural communities improve their access to highly valued collective goods. These processes are currently being modified in some important ways by the Moi government.     

The resilience of the past: government and opposition in Kenya

The article discusses government and opposition in Kenya over the last 100 years. Major democratic changes have occurred, but legacies from the colonial period and Kenya's one-party state endure. Pushback efforts to perpetuate the status quo continue. Subverting formal legal changes, using violence, and polarizing ethnicity are among the means used to consolidate the past. The focus is on the interplay between stasis and change, using comparative political economy theories and similar examples from other times and places. The analysis highlights the resilience of the past and historic barriers to change, thereby raising broader questions and issues that are not well understood.     

Death and survivorship: the final transition

In spite of some recent increases in services for bereaved persons, the availability of such services is minimal. The process of grieving itself takes place in time in several ways: the extent to which the death is sudden, expected, and timely; the passage of time from the beginning of anticipatory grieving before the actual death through the diminishing effects of the loss over an extended period of time; and the age and stage in life of the grieving persons. During the grieving process the survivors often develop physical and health problems, face psychological and emotional distress, encounter difficulties with social relationships, and must cope with numerous practical issues. The subsequent adjustment of widows and widowers appears to be related to the extent to which there had been the opportunity for open communication. Whether widows fare better than widowers after the death is uncertain; research has provided conflicting results and equally conflicting interpretations of the results.     

Liberalisation and Seigniorage revenue in Kenya,Ghana and Tanzania

To inform policy, our study identifies which populations of AIDS-affected children are in need of educational assistance. Using the 2004–2005 Malawi Integrated Household Survey, multilevel models examine the association between AIDS-related impacts and educational outcomes. Double and maternal orphans are more likely to be out of school and behind in grade level; living with an adult suffering from a potential AIDS-related illness is also associated with disadvantage. These disparities are not explained by poverty status. Where both poverty and AIDS are endemic, both traditional development aid and orphan-specific programming are essential for equitable access to education.     

Violence and Urban Order in Nairobi, Kenya and Lagos, Nigeria

This article examines the interaction between politics and informal institutions of order in two of Africa’s most violent and crime-ridden cities, Nairobi, Kenya and Lagos, Nigeria. In both cities, governments have failed to provide basic public services and security to citizens, especially to those who reside in informal settlements or slums. A variety of informal institutions, including ethnic militia and block-level vigilante groups, fulfill security and enforcement roles in these relatively ungoverned urban spaces. This article examines the differences in the character and organization of these “specialists in violence,” and it argues that these differences are often integrally linked to the political strategies and aims of elites. The article makes two primary contributions to existing understandings of informal order in violent cities in the developing world. First, I find that organizations seemingly organically linked to local communities, such as ethnic militia, are strongly influenced by national-level political struggles. Violent organizations can gain a foothold and degree of legitimacy by appealing to traditional loyalties, including ethnicity, but organizations with these advantages are also attractive targets for cooptation by political actors. Secondly, both direct state repression and electoral use of militia lead to more predatory forms of interaction between these groups and local communities.