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Defending Country: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Military Service since 1945. By Noah Riseman and Richard Trembath (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 2016), pp. xi + 243, photographs, bibliography, AU$34.95 (pb).  相似文献   

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二战期间,美、英对泰国的宣战采取不同态度.两国在东南亚追求的政治目标相互矛盾,形成了不同的对泰政策.美、英对泰政策的分歧由战时延续到战后.美国积极干预1945年英泰媾和谈判,为战后建立长期密切的美泰关系奠定了基础.  相似文献   

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This paper is concerned with the way in which Australian policy‐makers approached the problem of “White Australia” in the years 1945–67. It makes extensive use of original archival material to show how Australia's increasing engagement with Asia in the 1950s and 1960s exercised a direct influence on officials within the Department of Immigration. In response to Australia's changing geopolitical circumstances and the international community's increasing hostility towards racism during this period, Immigration Department officials persuaded the government to introduce a series of piecemeal adjustments which were specifically designed to placate Asian and world opinion. Although cautious, these changes nevertheless involved a corresponding reassessment of the policy's racial assumptions. By accepting in the late 1960s that certain Asians were capable of being integrated into the Australian community, policymakers had discarded the previously inviolable belief that all non‐Europeans were unassimilable by virtue of their race. The White Australia Policy, though not entirely defunct by the end of the decade, was nevertheless crumbling under the weight of Australia's new circumstances.  相似文献   

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1945年,因日本占领和美菲政局的影响,菲律宾掀起一场不同于以往的经济民族化运动。这一运动既影响到菲律宾的华侨零售业者,也波及到除美国外的其他外国商人。此时,美国正准备应对菲律宾的独立,菲律宾的极端民族化趋势令美国政府担心将来自身在菲利益受损。在菲律宾即将独立的敏感时刻,中国外交官员和侨领积极与美国政府交涉,终于通过美国的干预暂时缓解局面。这场未果的经济民族化运动,折射出1945年的亚太局势、美菲关系和菲律宾的政坛纷争。  相似文献   

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The decisive phase of the Chinese Civil War is said to have begun during the summer of 1946, hardly a year after the Japanese surrender and about six months after General George Marshall went to China to assist the Kuomintang and the communists in negotiating toward a peaceful settlement of their conflict. The failure of the Marshall Mission and the subsequent communist victory is often seen as America’s failure–the failure of liberal democracy to provide an alternative to communism and revolution and the failure of the American war aim–to establish lasting peace and stability in Asia. But even before Marshall’s arrival in China, the united States had actively intervened on behalf of the Kuomintang and undermined possibilities for a negotiated political settlement in China.  相似文献   

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Summary

This study shows that the Baltic peoples acted with much patience in achieving independence and free and democratic states. Their road to independence and international recognition was paved by perestroika and glasnost. Without these developments in the Soviet Union, the attempts to break away would have been crushed as happened in Hungary in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968. Later on Gorbachev became a major obstacle to the Baltic cause. The Balts had to pursue their goals in spite of resistance from the Soviet leadership.

After independence and international recognition, Estonia and Latvia began to play an active role within the framework of the CSCE. Although the current situation in the very northeastern part of Europe seems to be quiet, one has to reckon with new cleavages and confrontations between the Baltic States and particularly Russia, due to several unresolved problems such as minority policy and Russian military power. The rise of ultranationalist forces in Russia, such as Zhirinovsky's Liberal Democrats, may add to the tense atmosphere in the Baltic region. Further tension could complicate the position of the CSCE regarding the countries concerned. Since the CSCE failed to restore peace and stability in the former Yugoslavia, it might fail in such an explosive area as the Baltic as well. Nevertheless, the CSCE facilitates a forum for peaceful settlement of disputes and therefore provides the chance to use diplomatic measures to prevent the outbreak of a military conflict.  相似文献   

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The article examines the rise of the one of the most extremist political parties in Europe, Golden Dawn. It sketches the historical trajectory of the Greek far right, examines the ideological, organisational and voter profile of Golden Dawn, and offers possible explanations for its breakthrough in the 2012 elections. The article shows how the economic crisis has brought a massive realignment of the Greek electorate away from mainstream parties, giving rise to anti-system and anti-immigrant sentiments. Golden Dawn's violent tactics have allowed the party to establish an anti-system and anti-immigrant profile and capitalise on these sentiments. The party's future will depend on its capacity to absorb organisationally any future tensions between party pragmatists and idealists.  相似文献   

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The Australian government's 1997 policy ban on in-market mergers among the largest four domestic banks has been a key intervention shaping the direction of bank consolidation in Australia as such mergers significantly accelerated from 1997 through 1999 in developed economies. This paper will show that the knowledge about the social and economic impacts of the bank mergers and the Treasurer's merger veto power made the policy debate exoteric (political and public) by including interests outside the banking policy community (i.e., interest organisations of employees, customers, and farmers, as well as political parties, and the broad public). Thus, the merger policy discussions were not esoteric, technical and limited to a small number of influential public and private sector institutions leaving policy discussions vulnerable to be structured to favour the interests of large, financial firms over other interests. This, in turn, created significant pressure on government for to retain the policy. The paper also outlines the significance of the domestic political conflicts and electoral politics in a world of global finance.  相似文献   

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Our article examines recent Australian political speech to discover rhetorical standards for deliberation. Unlike philosophical standards for public reason — such as those developed by Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls — rhetorical standards are not anchored in reason, but in the institutional and linguistic constraints of partisan political speech. Accordingly, rhetorical standards are unwritten, malleable, and permissive. Two standards are apparent. The first is that political parties should not be influenced by factions or vested interests, but must serve the national interest, even as the meaning of that idea is acknowledged to be open to divergent interpretations. The second standard relates to individual politicians, and it prohibits officeholders from acting on the basis of religious beliefs. Both standards can be invoked to attack the reasoning and actions of rival politicians and parties, but both standards also offer generous resources for legitimation.  相似文献   

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