From Critique to Affirmation in International Relations

This article explores the ongoing shift in IR and beyond, where critical perspectives are increasingly adopting more affirmative dispositions. The starting point is that some successors to critical theories and deconstruction are becoming more appreciative of how entanglements of human and nonhuman populations have creative potential. That is, today critique ceases to be about contesting the inner contradictions or limits of a given order and instead embraces existing multiple assemblages and feedback loops as enabling forces. The article serves as an introduction to the Special Issue ‘Critique and Affirmation in IR’, in which authors reflect on the unforeseen trajectory of critiques and problematise the risks and shadows of affirmation.     

冰上丝绸之路安全风险的韧性治理

在人类命运共同体背景下,《中国的北极政策》白皮书提出了共建冰上丝绸之路的倡议.其中,维护和保障冰上丝绸之路安全已成为重大的现实需求.但是冰上丝绸之路沿线环境条件恶劣、地缘政治问题突出、各方利益协调困难,基于传统风险管控理论风险预测—风险管理的研究范式在冰上丝绸之路安全研究中呈现出很大的局限性.为此,本文提出了在韧性理论框架下对冰上丝绸之路的安全风险进行治理的构想,将风险暴露且产生冲击(即扰动)作为韧性能力损失的必要条件,承认风险暴露的常态化,聚焦韧性治理能力建设,关注安全风险对韧性治理能力的动态冲击.从吸收—适应—恢复三个空间维度解析韧性治理能力的层次结构,从扰动之前—扰动过程—扰动之后三个时间阶段分析韧性治理能力对风险的管控机理,最后从形成定期风险评估制度、构建冰上丝绸之路技术—社会安全保障体系、落实冰上丝绸之路命运共同体理念三个方面提出了冰上丝绸之路安全风险韧性治理策略.     

Food and poverty in the Americas: Institutional and policy obstacles to efficiency in food aid

This article reviews trends in poverty, hunger, and food security in the Americas; examines some of the principal processes, institutions, and policies which generate unsustainable development; and speculates on reforms required at all levels in order to improve food security. While food aid offers opportunities for alleviating poverty and hunger, it may contribute to intensifying rather than resolving livelihood crises. Since the World Food Programme is a major player in the context of food aid, some issues crucial for WFP policies in the Americas are considered.     

美洲经济一体化中的南南合作和南北合作——从理论到实践

美洲经济一体化是一个包括南南合作和南北合作的动态发展过程。其思想渊源既可追溯到由西蒙.玻利瓦尔提出的拉美地区经济联邦的构想,还可追溯到联合国拉美经委会思想、泛美主义等。美洲经济一体化的主要理论体系是新自由主义和自由结构主义(新结构主义)。20世纪六七十年代、90年代和21世纪初,美洲经济一体化出现了三次高潮。2008年的美国大选结果将对在美洲经济一体化中由美国主导的南北合作产生重大影响。与此同时,由于领袖和制度的缺失,美洲经济一体化中的南南合作将长期处于不确定状态。     

Facilitating the entry of communities in the herbal medicine sector: GMCL in India

The medicinal plant sector is on the increase in many developing countries. Despite this, the existing supply chain is unable to improve the livelihoods of the gatherers. This article considers Gram Mooligai Company Limited (GMCL), the first community-based enterprise active in the herbal sector. GMCL promotes a more equitable sharing of benefits in the sector, while also aiming for a more sustainable use of natural resources. The article draws conclusions and lessons about supporting such types of enterprises, reforming the herbal-sector supply chain, and promoting new forms of partnership between ayurvedic firms and communities.     

对当代美拉经济关系前沿问题的最新研究--介绍《挑战与机遇:美洲贸易自由化研究》一书

现代国际关系纷繁复杂 ,千头万绪 ,然而 ,其主要内容不外乎是“东西南北”问题。东西关系的实质是政治问题 ,南北关系的核心是经济问题。“冷战”结束后 ,东西方之间军事对抗和政治对立的格局瓦解 ,南北经济发展成为时代的主题。在后“冷战”时代 ,国家无论大小、强弱都面临着国际经济竞争日趋激烈的挑战。大多数国家打破经济发展水平的限制 ,在地区范围内开展经济合作 ,在区域经济联合中寻求经济增长的外部动力源 ,以区域经济优势积极参与国际经济竞争。在竞争中合作 ,在合作中竞争 ,成为一种“双赢”的选择。现在 ,几乎所有国家都已加入或…     

Adhere to Win-Win Cooperation and Strengthen Confidence in Road of China:On My Visit with Delegation of CAFIU

正People often say travelling is more eye-opening than reading/'Readingsometimes cannot replace what you see or feel,and only what people see or feel during the process oftravellingcan inspire more profound thinking and realize the sublimation of cognition.In the end of May and beginning of June in 2016,I was honored to be a member of the delegation     

拉美人为何对建立美洲自由贸易区心存疑虑

美国出于地缘政治和贸易拓展战略考虑 ,急于推动西半球自由贸易区的建立 ,并向世人勾画出一幅“美洲大繁荣”的蓝图。拉美国家虽有赶乘美国“经济快车”的愿望 ,但对建立美洲自由贸易区的态度大多比较谨慎 ,特别是拉美民众对美国心存种种疑虑 ,持有戒心。基于美拉双方利益取向和具体考虑的不同 ,因此 ,实现美洲自由贸易绝非易事     

External Factors: Facilitating Military and Political Stability in South Asia

The Cambridge Review of International Affairs interview with George Perkovich, conducted in February, 2001, provides an in-depth and up to date perspective of regional stability in the Indian subcontinent. Although the Kashmir conflict and terrorism in the region are coming under increased international scrutiny, the role played by external players with varying economic and strategic interests in both countries in shaping Indo-Pak interactions is limited. Domestic and external influences on the region compete with one another, maintaining a stalemate in the region. Long-lasting subcontinental stability can occur only if India and Pakistan actively choose to reconcile their differing views on the pressing issues of Kashmir and terrorism therein. Widely considered an expert on Indo-Pak nuclear politics and prize-winning author of India's Nuclear Bomb , Dr Perkovich outlines his understanding of the nature of the South Asian stand-off, and the possible effects of international efforts for its peaceful resolution.     

Afghanistan's Road to Peace: Present and Future

After 15 years of war in Afghanistan since the US sent troops,the peace process seems to have little traction.As the war has worn on,the Afghan government,the United States and allies have failed to end the continuing Taliban insurgency that even as late as the October 2016 favored suicide bombers,road mines and the killing of civilians.     

论亚投行在推进“一带一路”建设中的金融支撑作用

一带一路战略是促进沿线国家、地区之间经济合作和交流,重构地区经贸格局,推动地区经济一体化发展的伟大战略和顶层设计。亚投行的成立及其金融支撑作用的发挥将助力一带一路沿线国家地区基础设施互联互通建设,推动地区经济发展。亚投行的建立可以带来一系列的连锁反应:助力基础设施互联互通建设,可以为未来人民币全球性结算、融资、储务和贸易提供便利和条件,扩大了一带一路沿线国家、地区之间的经贸交流与合作,实现亚投行同一带一路间的金融互动,促进亚洲地区经济的繁荣。     

Understanding support for democracy in new and old democracies in the Americas: the role of democratic experience

This article develops and evaluates a set of expectations regarding the mechanisms via which democratic experience could shape support for democracy. In line with previous studies, one straightforward possibility considered is that experience with democracy fosters greater affective support for democracy, making citizens of old democracies more supportive of this regime independently of government performance and other characteristics. Another possibility considered is that democratic experience mediates the importance of performance assessments in citizens’ judgments about democracy, decreasing the importance of economic performance assessments, while increasing that of political performance assessments. Statistical analyses of public opinion data from 23 countries in the Americas indicate that the effect of democratic experience on support for democracy is not statistically significant. Rather, democratic experience conditions the effects of performance assessments on support for democracy. The evidence also supports the assertion that experience with democracy, and not economic development, is what conditions the effects of performance assessments on support for democracy.     

郑和第六次下西洋发现美洲了吗？

通过中文史料的考察,孟席斯所谓洪保、周满、周闻发现美洲的航线是凭空虚构出来,而并未真实存在过。迄今为止,未发现任何可以支持孟席斯“新论”的文献或其它有用记载,孟席斯的“新论”没有提供任何有说服力的新证据。     

The Road to Baghdad: Ideas and Intellectuals in Explanations of the Iraq War

Why did the Bush administration take the United States to war with Iraq in the aftermath of September 11, 2001? The constructivist approach used in this article to answer this question argues that the ideas of a handful of policy intellectuals affected political outcomes in remarkably consequential ways. These ideas shaped administration assessments of every major aspect of the Iraq war, beginning with its necessity and justification. Although the administration's ideational commitments were complex and evolving, four sets of ideas were central to its risk-filled gambit in the Middle East: a belief in the necessity and benevolence of American hegemony, a Manichaean conception of politics, a conviction that regime type is the principal determinant of foreign policy, and great confidence in the efficacy of military force. Taken together, these ideas defined the social purpose of American power, framed threats to the United States, and determined appropriate solutions to core problems. Ideas are not the sole factors setting the course of u.s. foreign policy, but they are essential to explaining an otherwise puzzling administration decision.     

Repression and Monarchical Resilience in the Arab Gulf States

Why the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.     

Marginalization in Urban Spaces of the Global South: Urban Refugees in Cairo

The paper explores the marginalization of Sudanese refugeesin Cairo, arguing that although socially, economically, culturallyand politically marginalized, refugees participate and contributeto the transformation of urban spaces in Cairo, as they do elsewherein the developing world. The paper finds that in terms of legalsecurity and livelihood coping strategies, there is little differencebetween those refugees with legal status and those residingillegally in Egypt. Despite social exclusion and lack of accessto rights and services, some Sudanese refugees balance risksand costs of marginalization to advance their livelihoods. Ingeneral, in the context of lack of full integration possibilitiesin Egypt and inadequate assistance provided by the United NationsHigh Commissioner for Refugees Office and international andlocal organizations and faith-based institutions, refugees comeup with creative ways of managing their livelihoods, contributingboth economically and culturally to the host society. In thiscontext, refugees are seen as social agents, rather than aneconomic burden for the host country.