日本对东盟的公共外交

日本一贯重视对东盟公共外交,安倍政府再次上台后,对东盟公共外交在机制、内容等方面出现了一些新特点:通过高层公共外交强化对东盟公共外交机制,以政府开发援助和对外文化交流为基础丰富了对东盟公共外交内容,以妇女、青年和意见领袖为抓手拓展人脉网络。安倍所采取的系列公共外交举措成效明显,增强了日本在东盟的存在,也优化了其在东盟的舆论环境。面对日本东盟公共外交的迅猛发展,中国应坚持"以邻为伴、与邻为善"的周边外交,进一步优化对东盟公共外交机制。     

试析日本安倍政府在美伊间的调停外交

自2018年5月美国退出"伊核协议"后,美伊关系持续紧张,导致中东局势动荡不定。对此,日本安倍政府基于保障日本的能源安全和经济利益、提高日本国际声誉与推动国内修宪进程等多重战略考量,决定在美伊间开展调停外交。美伊两国对调停者的需求、伊朗对日本的信任以及欧洲国家调停者身份的削弱,也为安倍政府实施调停外交提供了可行条件。安倍政府调停外交的实施路径主要包括日伊首脑互访、日伊高层会谈、日美密切沟通以及游说中东国家等,但其成效受到日本自身局限性、美伊矛盾复杂性、调停策略表面性、调停进程不确定性等因素制约,难以促使美伊关系得到实质性缓和。     

安倍价值观外交的海权向度解构

安倍价值观外交是安倍晋三内阁在当前国际体系中以西方普世价值观为政策工具来构建"海洋民主国家联盟"以遏制中国的崛起并实现日本在海洋领域战略扩张的外交战略与实践。第一次安倍内阁通过价值观外交在亚太地区创设日美澳印、美日澳、日澳以及日印等四个安全保障合作机制对中国形成多层次、全方位的战略包围并实现日本在太平洋与印度洋上的海洋战略扩张。第二次安倍内阁重启针对中国的价值观外交,在推进日、美、澳、印四国战略合作的基础上积极插手南海问题给中国维护南海主权与和平解决南海争端设置障碍。安倍在亚太地区构建针对中国的海洋军事同盟,从太平洋与印度洋两个战略向度上实现对中国的海上战略包围与遏制态势,在很大程度上恶化了中国的海洋安全环境。     

中国东盟关系发展的民间机制与公共外交——以中国东盟友好协会为基础

自2006年以来,在中国与东盟的对话合作机制中,中国东盟友好协会以民间组织形式发挥了对官方机制的"补缺"功能,并通过协会年会将其逐渐常态化和定型化,把中国东盟民间关系放到"公共外交"的范畴进行思考可以看出,在更多的场合下,中国对东盟的政府外交和公共外交两者的角色基本上是统一、协调但又有分工的。     

经济外交与中国—东盟区域合作:内涵、实践与效用

经济外交是中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后中国与东盟共同获取"正和"经济利益、化解地区内矛盾的一种新途径。本文从中国对东盟经济外交的实践着手,分析其对提升区域合作层次、构建中国和谐周边的作用,并探索性地指出中国在对东盟实施经济外交过程中几个值得关注的问题。     

莫迪政府印太外交对东盟中心地位的影响

印度莫迪政府上台以来,为追求世界大国地位,大胆开展印太外交。莫迪政府印太外交的重点位于印度的东方,大体可以分为环孟加拉湾区域、东盟本土区域和西南太平洋区域等三个有内在联系但并非一体的组成部分。针对不同的区域,莫迪政府的印太外交目标不同,措施各异。环孟加拉湾区域属于印度的首要利益区,印度追求主导地位,大力推动环孟加拉湾次区域一体化进程,挤压了东盟的地区事务主导权。西、南太平洋区域是印度的次要利益区,印度重视与民主政体大国的合作,谋求获得与美国、日本等国家的平等地位,对东盟的中心地位起到了稀释作用。东盟本土区域是印度首要利益区和次要利益区的交汇地带,扼守印度进出太平洋的东大门,但囿于实力不足,莫迪政府在该区域主要采用有选择地坚持东盟中心地位的策略。总体来看,莫迪政府的印太外交冲击了东盟在地区事务中的中心地位,对印度-东盟关系也产生了消极影响。     

安倍东亚外交重构的动因与挑战探析

在东亚地区政治格局变迁之时,安倍政府重新定位日本全球角色,在政治、经济、外交、安全等领域均进行了大幅调整。在对外关系中,对美外交仍处于首要位置,对华关系出现回暖,与东盟关系在加强,积极协调日韩关系,对朝关系虽有改善但十分有限。在安全领域,做出解禁集体自卫权、实施安保法案、扩张军力等一系列举动。经济领域主要侧重推进双边、多边自由贸易谈判及能源输出。本文从安倍晋三本人的右翼属性、日本国内逐年的右倾化趋向、中国的崛起和东亚政治格局变迁三个层面分析了日本东亚外交调整背后的动因。安倍政府的政策调整不可避免会遇到一定挑战,同时也将对东亚地区产生一定的消极影响。     

从"价值观外交"到"积极的亚洲外交"——日本安倍、福田内阁亚洲外交的比较分析

安倍内阁推行建立"民主国家联盟"和"自由与繁荣之弧"的"价值观外交"提高国际作用,因其不合时宜的冷战思维而受挫;福田内阁在吸取教训的基础上实行以合作为主的"积极的亚洲外交",进一步改善中日关系.安倍、福田亚洲外交的变化,反映了日本民族主义外交政策的曲折演进,从中可以看出日本要求提高外交自主性,却不能忽视美国的影响:重视同亚洲和中国的关系,特别是对华认识和对华关系开始出现历史性转折;对华外交的两面性将交替反映并可能牵动中美日关系的调整.     

试论韩国文在寅政府的东南亚外交

韩国文在寅政府的东南亚外交,是在韩国与东盟各国的经贸合作迅猛发展、周边大国之间的战略竞争凸显、朝鲜半岛局势转圜后陷于停滞、韩日两国纷争不断加剧等国际背景下展开的。为了提升韩国-东盟合作关系水平、规避特定依赖风险以及促进半岛局势缓和,文在寅政府采取了强化首脑外交、对接发展战略、参与多边机制、拓展安保合作的政策路径。这在一定程度上提升了韩国与东盟各国间的关系水平,特别是扩大了双方的经贸合作与人员往来,但对朝鲜半岛局势的影响有限。对文在寅政府而言,如何推动"新南方政策"与中国"一带一路"倡议及美国"印太战略"进行对接,即如何保持中韩战略伙伴关系与韩美同盟的平衡,将是其面临的一大挑战。     

论中国公共外交的两条战线

中国公共外交存在"合作"与"竞争"两条战线,其中对美国和日本的公共外交为竞争性公共外交,对中东、东南亚、俄罗斯和非洲等国家和地区的公共外交属合作性公共外交。从中国公共外交现状看,竞争性公共外交战线处于被动局面,合作性公共外交战线则成效显著。因此,中国的公共外交实施策略必须针对竞争性公共外交对象进行设计:提升公共外交的战略地位,对其增加投入;淡化政府身份,多以非政府形式操作;不纠缠话语信息的是非曲直,以行动服人;与对手建立民间利益共生体。     

Two Complementary Settings of Peace-making Diplomacy: Political-Elite Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy

In terms of the question, “how to create an effective peace-making process in the Israeli–Palestinian case,” this article argues that the answer is a multidimensional approach to peace-making diplomacy that contains two main settings: political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy. Political-elite diplomacy suggests various modes of peace-making interactions between political-elites. Public diplomacy provides instruments to involve the people in the peace-making struggle, prepares them for a change, and presses the leadership to reach agreements. The analysis suggests establishing an institution for the operation of public diplomacy—a major Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress. The congress is a democratic peace-making institution that invites representatives of the opposing societies to discuss, debate, and negotiate solutions to their struggle. The article also presents the concepts of political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy as competitive settings that should be regarded as complementary. It includes lessons from the “Minds of Peace Experiment”—a small-scale Israeli–Palestinian public negotiating congress—which has been conducted in different places around the world.     

Sport and Diplomacy: A Global Diplomacy Framework

ABSTRACT

The actors, or “players,” involved in the transactions of diplomacy occasioned by sport are manifold. In the case of the world’s “global game”—association football—they include but are not limited to individual footballers, football clubs, national leagues, national associations, football’s international governance structures, multi-national sponsors, and numerous hangers on. Importantly for this analysis, such a panoply of actors creates an architecture, replicated across other sports, which speak to the necessity of furthering the understanding of the relationship between sport and diplomacy. These two phenomena share a long-standing similarity in global affairs; both having been over-looked as means of comprehending relations between different polities otherwise centred on the nation-state. This exegesis advances our understanding in two areas. First, it addresses the parameters of the discussion of “sport and diplomacy” and problematises the discourse between the two with a note on language; and second, it utilises a framework provided by an appreciation of “global diplomacy” to explore concepts of communication, representation, and negotiation in sport and diplomacy.     

Visa Diplomacy

The consular element of national diplomatic power plays an essential, but often overlooked role in international relations. This is unfortunate, since the process of globalization places increasing importance on so-called “low politics”—trade, commerce, tourism, migration—all traditional consular areas of interest. This study examines the visa component of consular diplomacy as an integral device in the conduct of international relations. The simple visa serves an important purpose in international relations and is a well-used, but little studied, instrument of foreign policy in today's system of sovereign states.

In this article, “visa diplomacy” is defined as the use of visa issuance or denial at an individual, group, and interstate level, to influence another state's policies. Although possessing limitations, visa diplomacy is an available signaling and retorsion instrument which makes it a viable policy option in the arena of international affairs. At the operative level, it links an individual or group to its sovereign country and respective national policies. Denial or issuance at the individual or group level can have outcomes on overall interstate interactions as illustrated in the cases selected for this study. The conclusion assesses where the use of visa diplomacy seems most effective in international relations.     

Visa Diplomacy

The consular element of national diplomatic power plays an essential, but often overlooked role in international relations. This is unfortunate, since the process of globalization places increasing importance on so-called “low politics”—trade, commerce, tourism, migration—all traditional consular areas of interest. This study examines the visa component of consular diplomacy as an integral device in the conduct of international relations. The simple visa serves an important purpose in international relations and is a well-used, but little studied, instrument of foreign policy in today’s system of sovereign states.

In this article, “visa diplomacy” is defined as the use of visa issuance or denial at an individual, group, and interstate level, to influence another state’s policies. Although possessing limitations, visa diplomacy is an available signaling and retorsion instrument which makes it a viable policy option in the arena of international affairs. At the operative level, it links an individual or group to its sovereign country and respective national policies. Denial or issuance at the individual or group level can have outcomes on overall interstate interactions as illustrated in the cases selected for this study. The conclusion assesses where the use of visa diplomacy seems most effective in international relations.     

China''s Military Diplomacy

Since the end of the Cold War, China＇s military diplomacy has displayed an omni-directional and multi-level form, and with an increasing transparency which has increased trust and reduced doubt. China has enhanced its conventional military functions and strengthened its military soft power. This has helped China develop into a responsible state on the world stage. Through military exchanges with other countries, the Chinese military has gradually strengthened its ability to undertake a variety of tasks. The Chinese military has to make greater efforts to counter the perception of a ＂China threat.＂ There is also a need to establish a system of military spokesmen and to develop a theory of military diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.     

One Belt One Road,New Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy

正President Xi Jinping put forward the term "Silk Road Economic Belt" on September 7th,2013 in Kazakhstan when he proposed in his speech "to forge closer economic ties,deepen cooperation and expand development space in the Eurasian region,we should take an innovative approach and jointly     

准联盟外交探析

准联盟外交是国家间在非正式安全合作协定基础上开展的安全合作,它具有隐蔽性、动态性和开放性等特点.此外交模式的运作不依靠盟约,而依靠领导人互访、口头承诺、非正式安全协定或对外援助.当获得外部战略资源与保持外交自主性在决策者心里达成一种平衡时,准联盟外交就会比联盟外交和中立外交更具吸引力.实证研究表明,无论是中立国家还是结盟国家都推行过准联盟外交,这为中国开展准联盟外交提供了理论依据.     

俄罗斯的石油外交战略

在苏联解体后的第一个10年里，俄罗斯的综合国力在世界的排名直线下落。在1998年世界人均国内生产总值排名中，俄罗斯仅列第48位；1999年俄罗斯国内生产总值占世界的比重仅为1．9％，约为美国的1／10。国力的衰退必然使得俄罗斯的外交战略空间出现不断收缩的趋势。尽管如此，俄罗斯却从未放弃过复兴大国地位的努力。在叶利钦执政后期，俄罗斯两次调整外交战略，基本确立了以“恢复大国地位，确保势力范围”为目标，东西方平衡的全方位外交战略。普京上台后，又对该战略作了进一步的扩充，其主要内容是：大力推行以国家利益为基础，以恢复俄世界大国地位和全球战略稳定为目标，积极推动多极化和世界新秩序的建立，欧亚并重、东西兼顾、平衡的全方位外交。但是，在勃勃雄心的背面，国力衰落的俄罗斯可运用的外交筹码是十分有限的，只有石油能够是并且已经是俄罗斯复兴大国地位的一件特别重要的工具。