“直起”、“旁起”、“逆起”——文章与逻辑漫谈(四)

成天吊儿郎当。问他为什么这样,答曰:“过去学累了,反正已经进入大学,学校也不能把我怎么样,混它几年,总得让我凑合毕业,毕业后总得在城市里给我安排个工作。再努力又有什么用呢”通过这件事,作者提出并论证了这样一个观点:“改变学生一考入大学就等于‘铁饭碗’到手的办法,是教育改革中值得研究的问题。”“以事兴议”中的“事”。一般都具有典型性和代表性,不然就失去了“议”的价值。 2、以言兴议即借群众之言、名人之言或古人之言为发端,进     

文章的论题和标题——文章与逻辑漫谈(一)

在各种体裁的文章中,论说文与逻辑的关系最密切。我们研读的马列主义著作、论述党的方针政策的文章和文件、有关意识形态领域的各种热点问题的讨论和争论,以及在各种报刊杂志上发表的社论、评论等,从体裁上讲都是论说性的,它们和思想政治工作有密切联系。因此,了解它们和逻辑的关系,具有这方面的修养,将有助于提高我们在工作和学习中处理论说性文字材料的水平和能力,特别是阅读的分析理解能力和写文章表述思想的能力。关于文章和逻辑的关系,毛泽东同志说过:“文章和文件都应当具有这样三种性质:准确性、鲜明性、生动性。准确性属于概念、判断和推理问题,这些都是逻辑问     

提出论题常用的逻辑方法——文章与逻辑漫谈(五)

文章提出论题的方法,无论是直起、旁起或逆起,为把读者的思想集中到文章所论证的论题上来,必须限定题目所讨论的对象或范围,明确其中有关概念的涵义,明确争论的焦点等,为此须借助于逻辑。提出论题常用的逻辑方法有以下这些: 一、划分法即以划分的方法明确题目论述的范围或论域。例如《人民日报》(1984年2月21日)曾登过一篇题为《以权谋私三议》的杂文,这篇文章提出论题部分是这样说的: 以权谋私,或可分为两类,一以权谋,一以物谋。以权谋者多属领导者或对某些事握有决定权的人物;以物谋者分布甚广,从分房、管电到卖肉、卖菜……都有,统称“实权派”。本文拟就前一种,即真正的以权谋私,试谈三     

“头”“中”“尾”文章逻辑结构的基本部分——文章与逻辑漫谈(二)

与文章全局有关的逻辑问题,除论题和标题之外,就是文章的结构。文章有一个好的论题和标题以及一些好的材料,这固然重要,但仅有这些尚不成其为文章。有了观点和材料之后,要使之成为一篇文章,还必须按一定的思路把它们组织起来,即还有一个组织结构的问题。毛泽东同志说:“写文章要讲逻辑。就是要注意整篇文章、整篇讲话的结构,开头、中间、尾巴要有一种关系,要有一种内部的联系,不要互相冲突。”可见,文章结构的问题是一个逻辑问题。文章是客观事物的反映。文章的逻辑结构归根到底是客观事物的内部规律和相互联系的反映。但     

‘Democratic Socialism’ and the Concept of (Post)Capitalism

This article explores the ‘democratic socialism’ being proposed by new left movements on either side of the Atlantic, and evaluates its claim to be a form of anti- or postcapitalism. It argues that in the democratic socialist worldview, the line between capitalism and socialism rests on the balance of power between workers and capitalists in the economic sphere. While traditional social democracy seeks to redistribute wealth but leaves relations between workers and capitalists within firms untouched, democratic socialism seeks to abolish private property in the economic sphere. Production is controlled democratically by the workers themselves, in league with a workers’ state. The article critically appraises the claim that such a scenario constitutes a form of postcapitalism. Drawing on the work of critical Marxists such as Moishe Postone, it argues that capitalism is not primarily defined by private property relations in the economic sphere, but rather the peculiar social form of capitalist labour. Unlike in pre-capitalist societies, for labour in capitalism to secure a continued basis on which to reproduce the means of subsistence, it must be socially validated as ‘value-producing’. The criteria for value validation is not set in the workplace, or within a single nation state, but rather on the world market. The article concludes that, for all its merits, the democratisation of workplaces does not overcome the need for this social validation, but rather constitutes an alternative form of managing the process of production in this context. As such, democratic socialism, like social democracy, remains susceptible to the same imperatives and crises as other forms of capitalist production, and so cannot be said to constitute a form of ‘postcapitalism’.     

‘US Intelligence and Vietnam’: The Official Version(s)

Recent declassifications of the official histories of Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Agency activities in the Vietnam War give historians a sharper outline of the overall American intelligence effort in that conflict and a trove of supporting details. While scholars will have to use the new releases with caution, the histories (when combined with appraisals from the Armed Services) offer glimpses of the scale of the US intelligence program and some of the complications that hindered its effectiveness. Two particular features stand out when these materials are viewed in conjunction: the disconnectedness of the various agencies' and Services' efforts from each other (and from decision makers in Washington); and the difficulties that all of them had in working with America's South Vietnamese allies. The picture emerging is thus one of a congeries of largely independent intelligence campaigns working simultaneously against the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong targets. Intelligence miscues did not lose the Vietnam War for the Americans and South Vietnamese, but it now seems clearer that they made victory less likely.     

模范夫妻——周恩来与邓颖超(三)

家庭 周恩来和邓颖超都很喜欢孩子,在和孩子们一起的时候,他们也天真得象孩子。有时得知某个孩子和他们夭折的孩子是同年出生时,周恩来也会颇有感慨地和邓颖超说:我到上海参加领导三次武装起义,失败了;你在广州难产,我们的孩子夭折了。我如果不离开广州,我们的孩子可能活下来了。在     

‘双推双考’选拔任用领导干部的再思考(上)

通过“双推双考”公开选拔领导十部是对干部选拔任用制度的重大改革。它的基本特点是,使干部的选拔任用工作由神秘化转为公开化,由“伯乐相马”变成“赛场选马”,使广大有识之士不是是被动地去等候“伯乐”去“相面”,而是积极、主动地参与到竞争中来,这就创造了一种为优秀人才脱颖而出的机遇和环境。因此,这种改革的明显优势在于参与者多.机会比较均等,选拔余地大,透明度高,监督性强,使我们在选人用人上由人治因素较大的经验性决策转变为为法治因素较大的科学性决策,总之.这种公开、民主、平等、择优的选拔方法,是适应改革开放、适应社会主义市场经济体制的好方法,它的重要意义将在今后的不断完善中更加充分地体现出来。     

(Im)possible citizens: Canada's ‘citizenship bonanza’ and its boundaries

This article discusses a recent amendment to the Canadian Citizenship Act, which retroactively restores or gives Canadian citizenship to ‘hundreds of thousands of unsuspecting foreigners, most of them Americans’ (P. Dvorak, 2009. Canada issues a wake-up call: you may be a citizen. The Wall Street Journal, 17 April. Available from: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123993183347727843.html) while also restricting the inheritance of Canadian citizenship to the first-generation born abroad. Aiming to redress past discriminations based on gender, marital status and dual citizenship while simultaneously curtailing modern citizenship's dubious ius sanguinis provision, the new law might be interpreted as perpetuating Canada's reputation as a world leader in interethnic relations and human rights. A contextual analysis of the new law, by contrast, shows that the opposite is the case: the boundaries that are being drawn by Canada's new citizenship regime follow the now common trend of re-ethnicization and securitization. Specifically, they conflate kinship and Whiteness, thereby leading, on the one hand, to the construction of possible citizens whose authenticity and loyalty to the nation are unquestioned. On the other hand, within the logic of the new laws and their surrounding discourses, non-White, non-Christian ‘impossible citizens’ emerge, whose lack of loyalty and instrumental use of their Canadian passport are said to be eroding the value of citizenship from within.     

诗词与暗示(三)

诗词中的暗示，就是指客观物像未能清晰地显现所需的意绪时，通过对物象的某种描述客观存在营造所需的意绪。     

十一届三中全会十周年理论讨论文章——论点摘编(之三)

人类必须经历三种社会形态,这是马克思的思想;五种社会形态依次更替论不是马克思的思想 马仲良(北京市社会科学院)著文说,马克思在《资本论》中以劳动资料的发展为主要标志,把物质生产力的发展过程分为三个阶段;手工工具阶段、机器阶段和自动控制阶段(马克思预言的“发展为自动化过程的劳动资料”,就是当前出现的自动化控制系统)。与此相适应,出现三种经济形态:自     

价值的秘密在于主体——价值论与思想政治工作漫谈(续一)

“善”和“恶”、“正”和“邪”在不同的历史条件下有不同的具体内容,但它们在任何情况下都属于通常所说的“好坏”问题,即价值问题。在一个社会中,只有使大多数人都能够自觉地扬善弃恶、趋正避邪、坚持好的反对坏的,才能形成强大的精神凝聚力,充分发挥人们的积极性和创造力。从而高效率地推动社会进步。要想顺利有效地做到这一点,应该对价值(好坏、善恶等等)的本性和规律有一个基本的了解。追求价值、创造价值,是人类社会进步发展中不可分割的两大原则之一。这两大原则是:(1)真理原则,即追求真理、遵循真理的原则,其基本     

十一届三中全会十周年理论讨论文章——论点摘编(之二)

党的十一届三中全会以来,我国理论研究工作者以马克思主义的科学精神进行勇敢的探索和创新,思想空前活跃。在不少领域取得了新的进展和显著成效。但是,改革的实践是如此丰富,深化改革所面临的问题是如此复杂,与此相比,理论落后于实践的状况仍然存在。进一步重视和加强理论研究工作和理论队伍建设,是改革与现代化建设事业的迫切需要。要促进马克思主义理论的繁荣和发展,必须坚定不移地执行百家争鸣的方针。目前,广大理论工作者为迎接党的十一届三中全会十周年,撰写了大量理论文章。本刊陆续摘登一些文章的论点,以期引起对这些理论问题的进一步探讨。     

三个县委书记——陕北风沙线纪事(三)

去年冬天,胡耀邦同志在一份材料上写了这样一段话:“榆林地区治沙,据我所知是全国最好的地区之一。”这段话是符合陕北情况的。我们在陕北风沙线上巡回,留下这样的印象:这里获得这样大的成绩,一个重要的原因是,有一批为改变这里的落后面貌而献身的干部。他们中有乡镇干部、市县干部,也有把自己的知识、智慧播撒到沙漠的知识分子。     

初识佐贺(三)——有田陶瓷

每年5月黄金周休假期间,佐贺县有田町都会举行“有田陶瓷市”,今年是第109回.有幸得一友人之邀,让我有机会在友人的向导下走进了日本的陶瓷之乡——有田.有田位于佐贺县的西部,这个古朴清雅、静谧悠闲的小镇,被风光秀丽的黑鬓山脉和翡翠般整齐的稻作梯田拥揽着.有田只有65.8平方公里,人口刚刚两万,她不仅以“重要传统建筑群保护地区”而被熟知,更重要的是以盛产闻名遐迩的“有田烧”的日本陶瓷发祥地而被众所周知.     

The politics of ‘wrongful life’ itself: discursive (mal)practices and Tay-Sachs disease

Abstract

This article examines eight wrongful life/wrongful birth suits filed by parents of children born with Tay-Sachs disease. Their legal claims are analysed in terms of the biopolitics of genetic risk that has emerged in recent decades with a view to arguing that, as health and disease are increasingly understood within a genetics framework, the individual is becoming responsibilized to be proactive and undergo genetic testing. At the same time, this responsibilization is being defined as a kind of entitlement rooted in historically specific ideas about personhood and quality of life. The only option for reconciling this contradiction has been simply to define responsibilization as the individual's right, thereby calling into question the notion of agency in genetic decision-making and revealing that choice in this context is in fact becoming the unfreedom to choose.     

Capturing Facades in ‘Conflict-Time’: Structural Violence and the (Re)construction Vukovar's Churches

Abstract

The siege of Vukovar in 1991 set the precedent for the urban warfare which characterised the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. The destruction of urban religious heritage during the siege played a key role in ethnicising the conflict. Although the war is over, peace remains elusive—the city remains in ‘Conflict-time’ marked in part by competitive (re)construction; strategic neglect; and ‘neutralisation’ of religious architecture and sacral heritage. This article questions why Vukovar's churches became and remain flashpoints of contestation and seeks to understand their spatial and visual impact on this contested city.     

成功者的脚步——袁伟民小传(三)

逆水行舟 人的一生,难免遇到失败和挫折。最宝贵的经验,往往正是从最不顺利的经历中获得的。善于将失败转化为胜利,在关键时刻能够化险为夷,是袁伟民的一大本事。 中国女排在第三届世界杯的鏖战中,以全胜登上世界冠军的宝座。但是,她们在驶向第二个“彼岸”时,却是逆水行舟。 一九八二年九月十五日,在第九届世界排球锦标赛预赛中,美国姑娘给中国女排当头一击——三比○。这个结果使秘鲁海边小城奇克拉约的观众惊奇了:“这简直不象是同一个级别的比赛!”