Russian Energy and the Korean Peninsula

The recent agreements concerning North Korea’s nuclear program raise possibilities for providing North Korea with energy (oil and gas) to compensate for the termination of its nuclear program and of integrating it more broadly into the Northeast Asian economy. Russia has long wanted to play the role of provider of oil and gas to North Korea and these agreements open up new opportunities for it to do so. However, serious obstacles in the nature of North Korea’s precarious economic situation and its consequences, international rivalries in Northeast Asia, and Russia’s own energy policies present serious obstacles to the realization of Russia’s ambitions as regards North Korea and as energy provider to Northeast Asia as a whole.     

中美建交与两国在朝鲜半岛互动模式的转化

从国家互动理论的视角来考察中美与朝鲜半岛问题是一种有益的学术尝试。朝鲜战争使中美长期处于冲突型互动模式,直至中美建交,两国在朝鲜半岛的互动模式开始转化。中美建交虽然没有立即使两国在朝鲜半岛互动的性质发生转变,但建交给两国领导人带来的认知变化、直接政治互动的增多及两国朝鲜半岛政策的局部调整,为双方在朝鲜半岛进行的合作性互动提供了契机,由此,中美在朝鲜半岛的互动由建交前的冲突型互动逐渐向竞争型互动转化。     

The North Korea Problem: Perspectives on the Nuclear Debate,Economic Reforms and Beyond

ABSTRACT

Despite a plethora of research on North Korea, understanding and managing the challenges posed by the country have long been complicated with no simple solution to put an end to this decades-long security and economic predicament on the Korean Peninsula. With the potential for international conflict, attention must be given to the converging messages emerging from the scholarly works reviewed in this article: Glyn Ford, Talking to North Korea: Ending the Nuclear Standoff, Van Jackson, On the Brink: Trump, Kim, and the Threat of Nuclear War and William Overholt’s collection North Korea: Peace? Nuclear War? These works speak to the need to: take seriously the risk of nuclear war; consider the connectedness of the North’s decades-long security and economic reform dilemmas; and to acknowledge that the mistrust that is deeply rooted on all sides must be mitigated to bring peace. These books are published at a critical juncture of increased tensions following a highly publicised but remarkably short-lived effort at a breakthrough on the Korean nuclear issue, Pyongyang’s rapidly evolving security posture and its perennial domestic challenges. Each of these volumes provides valuable insights on these challenges for North Korea and internationally.     

韩中建交二十一年——论充实、拓展韩中关系与学术交流的重要性

韩中建交以来,双边关系分别经历了"发展阶段"(1992~1998年)、"构建阶段"(1998~2003年)、"提升阶段"(2003~2008年)等三个历史过程。现在,两国关系已经开始进入"强化阶段",即"充实、拓展两国关系内涵阶段"。中国外交部韩半岛事务副代表徐步对韩中建交20年给予了积极的评价。他指出:"在过去二十年间,两国加强了政治互信和战略沟通,韩国是第一个承认中国的完整市场经济地位的国家,是中国主要的贸易伙伴。两国间人员往来十分频繁,在处理国际和区域问题时始终坚持相互沟通与合作的原则。"建交21年来,两国关系取得了飞跃发展,但在诸多领域仍存在矛盾、摩擦。因此,本文在回顾两国关系发展过程中的一些摩擦,并为消除两国关系未来发展障碍提供两点建议。     

建交以来中韩文学交流的回顾与展望

自1992年建交以来,中韩两国在政治、经济、文化等各方面的交流合作发展非常迅速,以作家为主导的两国文学交流,也得到迅猛发展。本文对中韩建交以来文学交流的相关情况做了一些总结和梳理,分析交流的动因和优势,探寻获得的成果和存在的问题,并对今后发展趋势做一些展望,希望对未来两国的文学交流与合作有所促进。     

From Miracle to Crisis and Back: The Political Economy of South Korean Long-Term Development

This article analyses the process of economic development and associated political transformations in South Korea since the mid-1960s. It claims that, as in the rest of East Asia, capital accumulation in South Korea has revolved around the production of specific industrial goods for world markets using the relatively cheap and highly disciplined local workforce for simplified labour processes, as appendages of the machine or in manual assembly operations. This modality of accumulation resulted from changes in the forms of production of relative surplus value on a global scale through the development of computerisation and robotisation, and the concomitant transformation in the productive attributes of the collective worker of large-scale industry. The article identifies the main characteristics of the political and economic relations through which the structural transformation of the Korean society came about throughout the period studied, as a form of realising the global unity of the process of capitalist development. This analysis not only supports the claims made about the specific characteristics of the East Asian processes of capitalist development. It also shows the intrinsic unity of seemingly diverse political-economy processes, as forms of realisation of the transformations of Korean society.     

The Possibility of Economic Reform in North Korea

This article argues that North Korea can achieve an economic catch-up after decades of economic isolation and stagnation by promoting an economic opening focused on foreign trade and investment in a sustained manner. An analogy is been made with the case of Fujian Province in China, which has accomplished economic catch-up, mainly due to Taiwanese investments. To realise its potential, it is argued that North Korea treats its foreign direct investment (FDI) from South Korea as intra-Korean investment. The article also discusses the diverse modes of engagement with foreign capital that are available for North Korea, considering its own capability (absorption or management capabilities), rivalry among possible foreign investors, implications for market structure (monopoly or more competition), the nature of target technologies or facilities, opportunity for learning and transfer, and so forth. Finally, the article discusses the economic and political preconditions for such and economic catch-up.     

韩国"恨"文化的传承与变化——一项针对韩国高中文学教科书的分析研究

“恨”是韩国人特有的文化心理特征,要理解韩国人必须理解其“恨”文化。为了解“恨”文化在今天的传承情况,本文以现行韩国高中文学教科书上册为例,对其中“恨”文学所占的比例、这些文学作品所表现的“恨”的特,占、、成因以及化解方式进行了分析研究。研究发现“恨”文学在高中文学教科书上所占比例仍然很高,这些作品中虽然有“恨”但没有复仇情节,即“恨”不引发“复仇”。但在近现代作品中,“恨”已经有了明确的外在目标,日本侵略和朝鲜战争引发的“民族之恨”所占比例较高,很多故事中“恨”没有得到化解,在“恨”达到最高潮时以悲剧结尾。笔者认为今天韩国人的“恨”心理已经具有了引发外向攻击行为的可能。教科书中大量存在的“民族之恨”可能起到强化韩国人民族主义的作用。     

韩国与东亚地区主义的未来

本文首先回顾了东亚各国签订双边和多边自由贸易协定的历程,认为随着东亚各国相互依赖的加强,东亚的经济一体化将进一步加深,并提出了未来东亚地区主义发展的三种可能方案,进而分析了各种方案可能性的程度。韩国无论在经济领域还是战略方面,都应该在建立东亚合作的进程中发挥重要作用。一定程度上,东盟和韩国在东亚地区自由贸易协定达成的过程中拥有更广阔的空间,同时在中日之间也发挥着协调者和推动者的重要角色。     

Beyond 'Dragon in the Bush': The Study of China Africa Relations

In the wake of China's Year of Africa in 2006, China–Africarelations are currently the subject of unprecedented attention.However, although those relations are widely covered they arealso under-researched. This article offers an introduction toChina–Africa relations, covering background to the historyand politics of Chinese involvement in the continent and identifyingareas of further research. It concludes by calling for the studyof China–Africa relations to develop a culture of seriousresearch beyond current ‘dragon in the bush’ preoccupationsand so engage a complex subject that is about to become a mainstreamissue in African politics. The author is grateful to Nina Sylvanus, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira,Chris Alden, and especially Nai Rui Chng and Deborah Brautigamfor helpful comments on an earlier version.     

The Public Sphere and the Rise of South Korean Civil Society

This article examines how civil society in South Korea emerged as a social force and developed a distinctive relationship with the state. It is argued that political, institutional and cultural factors are no less important than economic relations in accounting for the distinctive nature of South Korean civil society. The article explores the dialectical relationship between the state and Korean civil society and its political and social consequences. For example, the dynamic interplay between the formal and informal structures of political power and the role of various civic organisations in political and other processes of social transformation are discussed. It is argued that the complex relationship between the state and civil society should be theorised in terms of mutual empowerment and synergy in the sense that civic organisations and groups have contended for, or negotiated, power. Hence, observers should bear in mind an alternative hypothesis that different historical conditions may well determine structural changes that have diverse outcomes in the political and cultural arenas, especially in an era of globalisation.     

"We Came to Tell the Truth": Reflections On The Tokyo Women's Tribunal

This article analyzes the development agenda Western donors have been operating on over the past decade, particularly the agenda's focus on good governance. After analyzing the academic background of this agenda, which is most evident in so-called new institutional economics, the article discusses the change in the discourse on development assistance toward selectivity, and its implementation in the policies of the International Development Association, the United States, and the Netherlands. The analysis of the policies of these three donors, and of recent empirical studies demonstrates that the donors are biased in favor of rewarding certain policies—in particular, pro-market and trade-oriented policies—on the part of aid-receiving countries. The donors have, thus, introduced clearly ideological and political elements about the socioeconomic order into a seemingly technocratic discussion about the prerequisites of governance. Because of the emphasis on market orientation and trade openness as central criteria for the judging of “good governance,” the current development assistance agenda is located explicitly in the domain of the post-Washington consensus, which links the promotion of pro-market policies to the implementation of an agenda of political reform. The article concludes by pointing out several ambiguities in the current focus on good governance. In particular, the author argues that donors tend to emphasize the instrumental value of governance and overlook the underlying structural causes of bad governance in developing countries.     

The Gendered and Racialised Division in the Korean Labour Market: The Case of Migrant Workers in the Catering Sector

Based on the empirical analysis of migrant women employed in the catering sector, this paper examines the gendered and racialised division in the Korean labour market. Given limited labour protection and the flexibilisation of the migrant workforce in the labour market, South Korea has been able to reduce possible economic and social costs and, at the same time, enjoy the benefits of the significant economic contribution of migrant workers. By looking at gender relations and racial discrimination in the catering sector, and inconsistent government policies, this paper underlines that migrant women are marginalised in the labour market owing to their ‘multiple vulnerability’ as women, migrants and undocumented workers.

Understanding the Hermit Kingdom As It Is and As It Is Becoming: The Past,Present and Future of North Korea

North Korea, a Cold War remnant in East Asia, has long been treated as an impenetrable mystery and an excruciatingly difficult subject to comprehend given its closed system, under which it has maintained its isolation even from its closest allies and neighbours. The idiosyncrasies that revolve around North Korea do pose challenges for understanding the country through the “conventional wisdom.” Nonetheless, as acknowledged by the scholarly works reviewed in this article, the regime in Pyongyang must be dealt with as it is and as it is becoming so as to better understand both the challenges and opportunities for the country. The difficult task for the United States (US) and its allies in East Asia, however, is to be pragmatic in terms of dealing with the regime in Pyongyang and to project strength in a way that promotes long-term regional and global peace as well as the betterment of people in the country. The books reviewed are Charles Armstrong, Tyranny of the Weak: North Korea and the World, 1950?1992, Andrei Lankov, The Real North Korea: Life and Politics in the Failed Stalinist Utopia and the collection edited by Kyung-ae Park and Scott Snyder, North Korea in Transition: Politics, Economy, and Society.     

韩国FTA政策与东亚区域主义的未来

本文首先阐述了韩国过去与现在的贸易政策,以及韩国FTA政策从区域内向区域外的转变,并分别从国际、地区和国内三个层面详细分析了这一转变的原因。在此基础上,探讨了韩国跨区域自由贸易协定对东亚区域主义的影响。随着更多的亚洲国家签订自由贸易协定,将对东亚区域经济一体化产生积极影响。东亚跨区域自由贸易协定面临的最大挑战是,东亚各国是否有能力来共同协调相互间的利益。     

习近平主席访韩与中韩成熟性战略关系发展构想

中国国家领导人习近平2014年7月访问韩国,以及中韩建立成熟的战略合作伙伴关系,标志着双方关系进入了一个新的高度。这种关系发展现在处于一种非常有利的时机与地区环境中,要确保这种关系成为真正的战略合作伙伴关系,双方领导人、学界、舆论界需要有一种超越朝鲜半岛的远见与远景,把动力、机遇转化为互利与可持续的合作进程。这种努力包括:在务实认识朝鲜无核化问题面临的困境基础上,寻找协调解决问题的中短期现实目标;积极协调与合理平衡中美韩、中日韩两组三边关系;严峻面对日本右倾化对东北亚地区秩序产生的战略危害,并共同采取应对措施;以战略性、客观性的胆识抓住中国"丝绸之路经济带"与"亚洲基础设施银行"的倡议,推动中韩在地区框架内的全方位经济合作。     

中国与东盟关系:现状和前景

在 2 0 0 1年 ,世界上发生了 4件大事 ,它们是 :布什上台后 ,对美国的对外政策进行了一系列重大调整 ;“9·11”事件爆发 ,美国在全球范围内开展反对国际恐怖主义的斗争 ;中国正式加入世界贸易组织 ;中国与东盟领导人同意用10年左右的时间组建中国———东盟自由贸易区。这 4件大事正在或者将要对中国与东盟关系产生重大影响 ,而中国与东盟关系如何发展 ,向什么方向发展 ,也将对亚太地区乃至全球产生深刻的影响。     

东南亚华文教育的过去、现在与未来:国家间关系的视角

东南亚华文教育的发展有其自身的规律,但是,我们不能不承认,国家间关系是促进当前东南亚华文教育出现热潮的主要推手,日益提升的中国—东盟经济贸易关系为东南亚华文教育的发展提供了坚实的物质基础,不断深化的中外人文交流则为东南亚华文教育提供了源源不断的动力。展望未来,东南亚华文教育将会有一个更加美好灿烂的明天。     

中美关系的变化和朝鲜半岛的和平

中美关系将会全面寻求合作与竞争,但是基于中国的崛起和＂美国霸权＂的衰落,＂合作中冲突＂的局面可能会逐渐形成。通过加强联合与强调多边合作,中美两国在东北亚地区采取的下注战略都向着防止任何一方统治该区域的情况发生转型。除了中美关系的冲突或合作趋势之外,朝鲜半岛也存在卷入＂他者化＂或＂国际化＂的可能性。本文建议无论是韩美联盟还是中韩合作都应遵循独立适用原则,且我们应当探索战略性的普遍原则。     

The Transformation of Korean Business Groups after the Asian Crisis 1

This study examines the evolution of Korean business groups after the economic crisis. In particular, we investigate the post-crisis changes in their business structure and corporate governance system, which are argued to be major precipitating factors leading to the economic crisis. Our analysis suggests that the divestment intensity of non-core, highly indebted and low intra-group trade firms was higher for groups which survived the economic crisis, compared to the bankrupt groups. Besides, most surviving groups did not pursue diversification as actively as before the crisis, and their financial conditions remained favourable in the post-crisis period. The corporate governance of the groups has also improved in terms of corporate transparency, implementation of monitoring mechanisms and their accountability to shareholders. Therefore, it seems that Korean business groups have successfully implemented radical corporate transformation to adapt to the changed business environment after the crisis. But, the dominance of family management still remains as an important feature of Korean business groups.