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1.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
2.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
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Simran SinghEmail: |
3.
Advocates claim that when citizens can make law through voter initiatives, they become better citizens. This paper puts that
claim into context. Using data from the Current Population Survey November Supplement and American National Election Studies
for each election between 1978 and 2004, it demonstrates that voter initiatives in the American states have limited effects
on turnout, and on political knowledge and efficacy. Initiatives increase voters’ likelihood of turning out to vote in six
of seven midterm elections under study, but show no effect on turnout at presidential elections. For knowledge among non-voters
and for political efficacy among all respondents, the results show null effects; for knowledge among voters, they indicate
modest effects.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Ian YohaiEmail: |
4.
Cheryl Boudreau 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):287-306
Many scholars lament citizens’ lack of political sophistication, while others emphasize that information shortcuts can substitute
for sophistication and help citizens with their political choices. In this paper, I use experiments to assess whether and
under what conditions institutions can substitute for sophistication and enable even unsophisticated citizens to make informed
decisions. The results of my experiments demonstrate that institutions, such as a penalty for lying or a threat of verification,
can help both sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens to make more informed decisions. Further, my results suggest that
institutions may, under certain conditions, level the playing field between sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens.
相似文献
Cheryl BoudreauEmail: |
5.
Danny Hayes 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):231-260
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential
elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion,
little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological
conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data
to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of
the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for
their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence
on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure
to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings
are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects
on political judgment are exaggerated.
相似文献
Danny HayesEmail: |
6.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):219-238
In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist
countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted
with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based
on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life
behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative
personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument
by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort
to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
7.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
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Jason ReiflerEmail: |
8.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
9.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
10.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |
11.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
12.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
13.
Joel Turner 《Political Behavior》2007,29(4):441-464
Survey research has demonstrated that citizens perceive ideological bias in television news, specifically with regard to CNN
and Fox News Channel (FNC), which allegedly represent the liberal and conservative viewpoint, respectively. In this paper
I argue that attaching the CNN and FNC labels to news stories sends an ideological cue to the viewer regarding the content
of the story. Utilizing an experimental design that allows manipulation of the network attribution of actual FNC and CNN content,
I am able to demonstrate that the CNN and FNC labels function as ideological signals to the viewer, with this signal being
most pronounced among ideologues whose views are supposedly at odds with those attributed to the network.
相似文献
Joel TurnerEmail: |
14.
Variations in the effectiveness of media priming are traditionally attributed to individual differences in political sophistication and news exposure. We contribute to this literature by considering the degree to which the content of an issue prime drives its use in presidential approval. Using a macro level approach, we combine public opinion data on presidential approval from 1981 to 2000 with content analyses of presidential news coverage to see how media attention affects the way issues are weighted in presidential approval. We find that the effectiveness of issue primes depends on issue content, such that familiar and understandable issues are more likely to be primed than more complex and difficult issues.
相似文献
Jennifer WolakEmail: |
15.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
16.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
17.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
18.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
19.
Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially
within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation
affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We
develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the
speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow
partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise
of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment
and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric
harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived
as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.
相似文献
Tim GroelingEmail: |
20.
Carole J. Wilson 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):161-183
This paper brings to political science a new decision-making model based on research in consumer behavior. Individuals do
not necessarily make choices from the universe of alternatives; rather, they choose from a “consideration set,” a notion derived
from both utility maximization and information processing theories. Here I apply a model of heterogeneous consideration sets
to voting in the 2000 Mexican national election. I argue that the sub-national variation in the strength of Mexican parties
leads to heterogeneous consideration sets, resulting in individuals with identical issue preferences and personal attributes
making different voting decisions. Application of this model provides both interesting substantive conclusions about vote
choice in Mexico and a more general theoretical innovation regarding vote choice.
相似文献
Carole J. WilsonEmail: |