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1.
Herbert F. Weisberg 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):143-149
The U.S. election of 2004 affords an opportunity to investigate how wartime affects presidential voting. The conventional
wisdom is that wartime presidents always get reelected, but previous studies have not examined how citizens' attitudes on the war affect their voting. The papers in this special issue investigate this process, looking at
how attitudes on the Iraq War, the larger War on Terrorism, and the so-called cultural war affected attitudes toward the presidential
candidates and voting. The studies use a wide variety of datasets and survey questions, showing that the different aspects
of the war resonate with different voters and that some of the effects of wartime are indirect through increasing the salience
of leadership in the election. Wartime presidents do not get reelected automatically; they have had success in reelection
because of how they use the war to build an image that can get them reelected.
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Herbert F. WeisbergEmail: |
2.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
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Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
3.
Kevin Wallsten 《政策研究评论》2007,24(6):567-587
This paper asks: what is the relationship between the mainstream media and blog agendas? To be more precise, this paper tracks media coverage and blog discussion of 35 issues during the 2004 presidential campaign to test the hypothesis that the mainstream media agenda exerts a substantial impact on the blog agenda against the increasingly popular hypothesis that the blog agenda exerts a strong influence on the mainstream media agenda. Using a computer‐assisted, quantitative content analysis of ten randomly selected A‐list political blogs and 50 randomly selected, less popular political blogs over the five‐month period from July 1 to November 30, 2004, the author finds that on the vast majority of issues there was a complex, bidirectional relationship between mainstream media coverage and blog discussion rather than a unidirectional media or blog agenda‐setting effect. 相似文献
4.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
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Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
5.
Interpreting UKIP's ‘Earthquake’ in British Politics: UK Television News Coverage of the 2009 and 2014 EU Election Campaigns
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UK broadcasters came under fire for the amount of airtime UKIP and its leader Nigel Farage received after the party won the most votes in the 2014 EU election. Our content analysis of television news during the 2009 and 2014 campaigns found little bias in terms of soundbites, but in the more recent election Farage visually appeared in coverage to a greater degree than other party leaders. Moreover, two core UKIP policies—being in or out of Europe and immigration—dominated coverage in 2014. We suggest the ‘UKIP factor’ and the media's fascination with Nigel Farage help explain why the 2014 campaign was more visible on television news than was the case in 2009 and was largely reported through a Westminster prism. Although television news bulletins attempt to impartially report elections, the 2014 campaign agenda was largely contested on UKIP's ideological terrain and the party's electoral fortunes. 相似文献