Beyond the barriers: new forms of labour internationalism

Concern about working conditions in a global supply chain has led unions and NGOs in the North to collaborate on initiatives such as the Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC) and the Ethical Trade Initiative (ETI) in the UK. Relationships have not always been easy, but experience has shown that when trade unions and NGOs work together on particular disputes or campaigns, their differences tend to disappear. These new forms of labour internationalism offer an effective response to the threat to workers' rights posed by globalised production.     

ASEAN cooperation: the legacy of the economic crisis

This article examines the implications of domestic politicalchanges in the post-1997 era for ASEAN's regional cooperationand institutionalization. The conceptual framework traces regionalrelations to the makeup and grand strategies of domestic coalitions(internationalizing, hybrid, backlash). Had some predictionsin the immediate aftermath of the crisis been fulfilled, theadvent of domestic backlash coalitions would have portendedlower levels of regional cooperation. Alternatively, in theabsence of changes in the fundamental nature of most rulingcoalitions after the crisis, ASEAN's cooperative thrust wasexpected to be maintained. The article explores the extent towhich ASEAN's activities in the post-crisis era supports eitherof these two propositions. It finds that a shock of major proportionsin Southeast Asia led to some immediate challenges to bilateralrelations. At the same time, the aftermath of the crisis ledto considerable multilateral and bilateral cooperation on economicissues, expansion, intervention, and security. Furthermore,cooperation may have indeed improved despite subsequent crises,including 9/11 and its aftermath. Yet no linear progressionor irrevocable process towards internationalization or regionalcooperation can be assumed. Alternative coalitions, and theirpotential for changing regional trajectories, must be reckonedwith.     

Innovation or Inertia: The U.S. Military and the Learning of Counterinsurgency

Following its encounter with insurgent violence in Iraq, the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) has sought to improve the U.S. military's ability to conduct counterinsurgency. This effort suggests a potential turning-point in the history of the U.S. military, which has traditionally devoted its attention and resources to “high-intensity” or “conventional” combat. Given this institutional culture, what are now the prospects of the U.S. military ‘learning counterinsurgency’? In many ways, the ongoing reorientation is promising and targeted, informed directly by the U.S. campaign in Iraq. At the same time, Pentagon priorities still reveal a remarkable resistance to change, and this in spite of the radically altered strategic environment of the War on Terror. Given this intransigence - and the eventual fall-out from the troubled Iraq campaign - the ongoing learning of counterinsurgency might very well fail to produce the type of deep-rooted change needed to truly transform the U.S. military.     

美国军事战略调整与日美同盟体制

随着布什政府对美军事战略进行重大调整,将全球军事战略的重点转向亚洲,日本在其全球和亚洲战略中的地位和作用日益凸显,加强日美同盟体制已开始步入实质性阶段.而日本力图以日美军事同盟体制为后盾,谋求本国的最大利益.     

The art and science of mediation

Book reviewed in this article:
Jacob Bercovitch , Social Conflicts and Third Parties: Strategies of Conflict Resolution.
Jay Folberg and Alison Taylor , Mediation: A Comprehensive Guide to Resolving Conflicts Without Litigation
Deborah Kolb , The Mediators
Christopher Moore , The Mediation Process     

美国强权走向相对衰落的拐点

自2003年3月23日美国发动伊拉克战争迄今已历四年。四年来,美国软硬实力、内政外交因为这场战争而发生了什么样的变化?国际战略形势又随之出现了哪些变迁?对中国而言,加速发展的战略机遇期是否还将持续?伊拉克战争本身又带来哪些启示?围绕这些问题,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“伊拉克战争四周年国际战略形势”专题研讨会,邀请一些知名国际问题专家进行了深入探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者更好地理解和把握这些问题有所裨益。     

美国对朝政策:机遇与制约

布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐。朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会。但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能。     

全球金融危机后的中美金融合作——基于美国汇率政治视角的分析

本文认为,美国的汇率政治在客观上推动了中美"战略与经济对话"这一机制的建立;而这一对话机制则为两国之间开展金融合作提供了平台。虽然特朗普政府对人民币汇率问题的态度受到美国汇率政治的制约,但是人民币汇率机制的市场化改革有效地抑制了美国的汇率政治对中国的施压。更为重要的是,中美两国政府在人民币汇率问题上的合作是进一步推动双边金融合作的重要契机。中美两国政府应该抓住这一重要的历史机遇,达成双边货币互换协议以及进一步开放金融市场准入,以在微观层面上扩大双边金融合作的市场基础。从长远来看,中美金融合作的实质性进展也将是抑制美国汇率政治的有效方式。     

美国国会对美国中东政策的作用和影响

美国国会在美国对外关系中拥有重要的发言权,在以总统为主导的美国对中东政策制定体系中有重要的政策影响力,在美国对中东政策和外交上起着不容替代的作用.     

The U. S. Policy toward DPRK: Opportunities and Constraints

布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐.朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会.但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能.     

美国的南海政策:目标与战略

美国提出南海冻结论再次表明了积极介入南中国海问题的态度。美国虽然是南海的域外国家,但南海问题的产生和发展与美国的霸权战略有着密切关系。二战后美国控制大陆边缘地带的霸权战略将南中国海纳入美国的势力范围,这是美国介入南海问题的战略根源。奥巴马维护美国所谓领导地位的战略,使南海问题又成了美国战略利用的工具。美国不仅要维护其在南海的利益,还要借南海问题达到其主导地区秩序走向的目的。这使南海成为中美战略博弈的场所。因此,中国在进行维权活动时要注意把握战略利益的均衡性。     

美国在阿富汗战争中的收获与教训

虽然阿富汗战争使美国在政治、经济等方面都获益,但美依靠武力、以暴制暴的战争手段无法从根本上真正铲除恐怖主义,同时又给自己带来一系列难以消除的负面影响.     

Lord Ponsonby and the Churchill affair of 1836: An episode in the eastern question

William Churchill, a British merchant in Turkey, accidentally wounded an Ottoman boy and, after being savagely beaten, was imprisoned in the notorious bagnio by the Reis Effendi and Achmet Pasha. Lord Ponsonby, the British ambassador, sought dismissal of these ministers. His tactics and threats of demands that his government would make, couched in extravagant language, provoked Russian intervention and alarmed the other powers. Before the British government could react, the Sultan dismissed the Reis Effendi, but Britain's failure to demand dismissal of Achmet left Russian influence supreme. Ponsonby, however, emerged from defeat with credit, and Churchill received compensation.     

Lord Ponsonby and the Churchill affair of 1836: An episode in the eastern question

William Churchill, a British merchant in Turkey, accidentally wounded an Ottoman boy and, after being savagely beaten, was imprisoned in the notorious bagnio by the Reis Effendi and Achmet Pasha. Lord Ponsonby, the British ambassador, sought dismissal of these ministers. His tactics and threats of demands that his government would make, couched in extravagant language, provoked Russian intervention and alarmed the other powers. Before the British government could react, the Sultan dismissed the Reis Effendi, but Britain's failure to demand dismissal of Achmet left Russian influence supreme. Ponsonby, however, emerged from defeat with credit, and Churchill received compensation.     

U.S.-India Relations: The Way Forward

Both Washington and New Delhi share blame for the loss of momentum in bilateral relations. Unlike its predecessor, the Obama administration has not displayed much interest in high-profile cooperation, while the paralysis of the current Indian government has constrained its own capacity for engagement. Nonetheless, more progress has been made in the relationship in recent years than is generally appreciated. With the presidential election cycle beginning in the United States and India conducting an important round of state-level elections in early 2012, the best use of diplomatic resources in the short term is to focus on consolidating these promising trends. Yet once leaders on both sides are able to re-engage more fully, perhaps as soon as 2013, they should give priority attention to further deepening the partnership through a set of galvanizing initiatives that bolster the non-governmental links that are key in securing the growth of broad-based, resilient relations over the long term.     

The First Shot was the Last Straw: The Sinking of the T.S.S. Athenia in September 1939 and British Naval Policy in the Second World War

On 3 September 1939 the passenger liner Athenia, sailing from Liverpool to Montreal, was sunk by the German submarine U-30 with a loss of 112 lives. This action, while not intended by the German government, was in violation of Germany's commitments under the London Naval Treaty and it complicated its desire to keep hostilities confined to Poland. The British government and Admiralty, confronted with an attack on an unarmed passenger liner within nine hours of the declaration of war, and several freighters shortly thereafter, concluded that the German Navy intended to wage unrestricted submarine warfare. This article shows that as a result of the sinking of the Athenia, the government and the Admiralty implemented convoys within the first week of the war, sooner and more completely than had been intended. Naval ship building priorities were also subsequently adjusted to quickly provide escort vessels for the newly organized convoys.     

The U.S. press and political change in the Third World: The coverage of military coups

One of the chief features of the Third World is how often regimes change. These regime changes have many implications both for internal political stability in the Third World and in the relationships between the Third World and the superpowers. In the United States, it is generally the media that inform the American people about these changes and their implications for the United States. This paper analyzes the coverage of the two most recent military coups in Nigeria by the U.S. press.

Our analysis indicates that if a government that is supportive of American interests is overthrown, and the personalities and policies of the new leaders are not readily apparent to the press, the change is greeted with hostilities by the U.S. press. However, as soon as it becomes apparent that the new regime will not threaten the economic and political interests of the United States, the press rallies behind the new regime and begins to proclaim it as a savior. The press lamented the overthrow of Shagari's government and proclaimed the coup a setback for democracy in Africa. However, within a few weeks of this judgement, the coup that overthrew President Shagari was hailed as necessary for the political stability and economic prosperity of Nigeria. When the military government that seized power from Shagari was itself thrown out of office in a military coup, the new regime was welcomed by the press. We also found the U.S. press utilizes a biased and distorted framework in its coverage of political events in the Third World. The framework used in the Nigerian case asserts that all economic and political crises emanate from tribalism, corruption, and the criminal tendencies of Nigerians. We argue in this paper that this perspective, which informs the coverage of political events in Nigeria by the U.S. press, does not allow it to present valid and truthful explanations of political changes in Nigeria. We also argue that this shallow coverage is done deliberately so as to obscure the reality of political struggles in Nigeria. We assert that it is in the interests of both the Nigerian ruling class and international capitalism to attribute economic and political crises in Nigeria to tribalism, corruption, and nepotism.