马来西亚的马来人经济政策

马来西亚推行的马来人经济政策,包括农村经济政策和扶持马来人进入工商领域和专业服务领域的政策,有关政策使马来人土著全面参与各个经济领域,经济状况有明显改善.本文认为,政府通过倾向性政策减轻大多数马来人的贫困,有利于马来西亚社会的稳定发展.     

从FDI流动看马来西亚经济发展的隐忧

2009年外商对马来西亚的直接投资大幅下滑,马来西亚从东南亚地区的引资"优等生"转变为"差等生",说明马来西亚经济吸引力显著下降的事实,这无疑将对当前马来西亚经济改革的进程和目标产生十分重大的不利影响.基础条件不佳、经济上的长期结构性问题以及改革政策反复是影响马来西亚吸引外资能力的最主要因素.     

马来西亚的就业重组政策:马来西亚第四个五年计划(1980—1985年)的效果和前景

一九六九年五月暴乱以后制定的马来西亚新经济政策,其主要目标之一是就业重组,在非农业部门增加马来人的代表,从而根绝农村贫困和消除国家的经济失调现象。一九七○年以来,就业重组政策一直在积极地推行,预期到一九九○年将使各种族在现代化经济部门中的就业分配符合人口的种族组成。这项政策的目标不仅涉及一个聚集的种族就业份额问题,而且涉及整个职位等级制度,尤其强调上层职业的职位等级制     

教育政策与民族问题——以马来西亚华文教育为例

马来西亚是一个多元种族和多元民族的国家.在殖民统治时期和独立后,殖民政府和马来西亚政府在教育政策上都实施英文和马来文优先的政策,限制华文和泰米尔文教育,以培养认同及效忠马来西亚的"良好"公民.在马来西亚华侨华人共同努力下,华文教育的发展道路虽然充满了艰辛和曲折,但至今已建立了从小学、中学、大专到大学的完整教育体系.本文指出,华文教育是马来西亚多元文化的一个重要内容.马来西亚教育政策的种族歧视是导致马来西亚种族和民族矛盾的一个重要原因.通过"尊重差异,包容多样"的民族政策,马来西亚的民族关系将会朝着更为和谐的方向发展.     

现代化视域下马来西亚“东向政策”的拓展深化及影响

“东向政策”是马来西亚1982年开始实施的对外政策，其主旨是同日韩扩大经济贸易关系，争取两国投资并学习其先进技术、管理经验以及职业精神，服务于马来西亚工业现代化的发展要求。“东向政策”有助于马来西亚突破后发国家实现现代化面临的资金不足、技术落后以及管理方式陈旧等难题。历经40余年，“东向政策”在目标、内容、手段与对象上得以拓展和深化。为了平衡主要国家在马来西亚的战略博弈，“东向政策”的战略意图从最初“以亲近日韩来弥补与西方国家的疏远关系”转向“加强与中国的交往来平衡主要国家对马来西亚发展的影响”。同时，将政策对象拓展至中国以使马来西亚搭上中国发展的快车，推动其经济社会进一步向前发展。尽管学界对“东向政策”的实施效果提出了质疑，但总体来看，该政策有力推动了马来西亚从传统农业国转向新兴工业国，加快了其工业现代化进程。     

九十年代马来西亚华人资本

影响马来西亚华人资本未来的因素很多,但关键的应是当地经济状况及政府对华人经济的政策。本文打算以战后马来西亚华人资本发展线索为依据,结合马来西亚近期的经济发展,及当局的华人经济政策动向,对90年代马来西亚华人资本的发展趋向,作初步探讨。一、马华资本将继续发展扩大战后马来西亚华人资本增幅很大,从战前的2亿美元上升到80     

“一带一路”战略背景下马来西亚华人华侨的作用

马来西亚是我国"一带一路"战略中推进"21世纪海上丝绸之路"建设的重要节点国家。中国与马来西亚自1974年建交以来,在政治、经济和文化等领域的交往不断加强,合作日益密切。马来西亚华侨华人作为马来西亚的第二大族群,在马来西亚的经济社会发展进程中发挥着重要作用,同时马来西亚华人华侨也通过官方以及民间渠道积极参与中马两国的经贸往来及人文交流,是"一带一路"建设中中马沟通的桥梁和纽带。论文拟透过马来西亚华人华侨的状况、社会和经济地位,以及文化认同和国家认同的分析,提出如何利用马来西亚华人华侨的优势,使其在"一带一路"建设中更好的发挥作用。     

马来西亚经济发展策略

本文主要分析 2 0 0 1年马来西亚推出的一系列重要经济发展策略 ,包括应对美国经济放缓的紧急措施 ,金融领域未来 10年发展蓝图 ,以及 2 0 0 1- 2 0 10年经济展望纲要等。通过分析有关策略的主要内容、社会反映 ,探讨马来西亚未来 10年经济发展的基本主要方向及其可能面对的一些问题。     

马来西亚的印尼劳工问题

印尼劳工大量流入马来西亚,并构成亚洲劳工移民的重要组成部分。20世纪90年代,马来西亚取代沙特阿拉伯成为印尼劳工海外移民最多的国家。随着在马来西亚的印尼劳工数量的不断增加,特别是非法印尼劳工的增加,在马来西亚的印尼劳工问题越来越受到马来西亚政府、媒体和民众的关注,甚至影响到两国的外交关系,成为危及两国关系的非传统安全问题。本文将探讨在马来西亚的印尼劳工的基本状况、印尼劳工流入马来西亚的原因、非法印尼劳工进入马来西亚的途径以及印尼劳工问题对两国关系的影响。     

马来西亚解决"奥郎·阿斯利"族群问题的政策、影响及其评析

“奥郎.阿斯利”是马来西亚的土著族群,国内相关论述极少。本文分析了“奥郎.阿斯利”问题的形成和政府为解决问题而针对“奥郎.阿斯利”人所实行的政策,并分析了这些政策对“奥郎.阿斯利”人的影响。最后从马来西亚现代化进程的角度对其政策进行了宏观上的评析。通过本文,可以清楚地看到“奥郎.阿斯利”这一落后族群在马来西亚现代化进程中的变迁以及马来西亚政府的政策得失,为多民族国家处理落后民族或者族群问题提供了一定的经验教训。     

Asset stripping in Chinese state-owned enterprises

This study addresses the consequences of commercialization and modernization of agriculture on ethnic minority farming communities in Vietnam's upland areas. These communities have been deeply affected by the pro-market reforms introduced nation-wide as the result of economic renovation (doi moi). The study examines the changes in standards of living and quality of life as well as the constraints acting on the development of family farms. Importantly, it investigates the role of government in influencing the process of rural development. Some of the most important findings can be summarized as follows. First, pro-market reforms have led to the diversification of the farm economy. Cash crops, especially tree crops, are now the main component of the household economy. Second, income disparities have increased and poverty remains entrenched in pockets of the upland population. Third, in its effort to restructure the national economy, the central government has decreased its contribution to upland development. The weakening of the social and physical infrastructure hampers farmers' efforts to participate in the market economy. Fourth, because of a general lack of rural industries, few employment opportunities exist outside the farm sector. As a result, many households engage in informal off-farm activities as a survival strategy.     

Malaysia: The anxieties of success

Malaysia is a complex social and political phenomenon that could easily have become mired in ethnic conflict and economic stagnation. Malaysia has had to manage a shift from a natural resource-based economy to an export-oriented manufacturing system while balancing delicate racial and religious divisions in a democratic, constitutional federation. A proud and nationalist history has been confronted by global economic interdependence. Malaysia’s political leadership has been able to balance competing and almost contradictory domestic and international demands to carve out a prominent position for the country in world affairs while bringing forth a progressive economic entity. That success is neither accidental nor incidental.     

Accountability and Authoritarianism: Human Rights in Malaysia and Singapore

The concept of accountability enjoys wide and growing appeal, its advocates submitting both normative and functional arguments for institutions limiting discretionary powers of political and economic elites. This development is seen as facilitative of democratisation, especially in post-authoritarian societies. Yet it has gone almost unnoticed that not all authoritarian regimes have dismissed accountability reform and some are adopting reforms in its name. This article contrasts the patterns in Malaysia and Singapore on a specific accountability institution – human rights commissions – offering explanations for why the former has established one and the latter not. It is argued that intra-state conflicts associated with Malaysian capitalism have created pressures and opportunities for accountability reform not matched in Singapore where there is a more cohesive ruling elite. Moreover, the PAP's acute ideological emphasis on meritocracy concedes no space for horizontal political accountability.     

马来西亚印度人的由来及其困境研究

印度人是马来西亚的第三大民族,但与马来西亚其他民族相比,印度人是一个长期被忽视的群体.本文拟对马来西亚的印度人作一概述,分析其移民马来半岛的历史,并对独立后马来西亚印度人在政治、经济、民族教育等方面所面临的困境作一探讨.     

新马华文报纸话语权比较研究

本文通过对新马两国华文报纸销量、华文教育的发展等多方面的比较研究,指出新加坡华文报纸逐渐被边缘化、作用被弱化的事实.文章认为,新加坡已经失去在东南亚传播中华文化的中心地位,面对社会交流语言加速英语化的现实,华文报纸的社会地位将进一步降低.与此相反,由于马来西亚华人保留完好和系统的华文教育,华文报纸话语权非但没有被削弱,反而得到增强,马来西亚也因此取代新加坡成为在东南亚传播中华文化的中心.     

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the twelfth Malaysian parliament, 2008–12, and parliamentary behaviour on the budget process

In the post-2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition political parties the Parti KeADILan Rakyat, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and the Democratic Action Party started to gain currency, especially when the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government was denied its two-thirds of the majority in parliament. The 2008 result indicated that there was a substantial shift in support from the incumbent BN to the opposition parties. The opposition later on was formed into a coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The minor victory of the PR in the 2008 election suggested that it had secured a considerable number of seats in the twelfth Malaysian parliament. This article argues that the 2008 electoral outcome exhibited substantial competitive parliamentary behaviour despite the authoritarian nature of Malaysia. The article examines PR behaviour in the twelfth parliament with reference to the budget process. Besides elections, the Malaysian parliament is a very crucial indicator of the development of democratic governance in Malaysia. This article argues that the opposition PR is still relevant in the way in which it has fully exercised its legal parliamentary capability, especially its de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, in questioning and posing constraints on the ruling BN policies concerning the budget process.     

Navigating a Highly Protected Market: China’s Chery Automobile in Malaysia

ABSTRACT

The economies of Malaysia and China have become increasingly integrated through trading and investment linkages. This article focuses on one aspect of this relationship, examining Chery, a Chinese car maker, and its internationalisation strategy and its localisation efforts in Malaysia. It does this by analysing Chery’s interaction with the host government, local partners and suppliers. Using an in-depth case study, it was found that Chery’s experience in navigating a set of complex state–society relations in Malaysia resulted from an adaptation of its business strategy to address protectionist and institutional constraints found in Malaysia. However, while relations between Chery, the local partner and government agencies have grown strongly, few interactions have evolved between Chery and local suppliers and national research and development facilities, limiting collective learning processes and production collaboration in Malaysia. The evidence also suggests that Chery’s present conundrum of low sales in the country could be solved through negotiations with the Malaysian government so as to evolve mutually beneficial partnerships with national automotive makers. The Malaysian government may also consider easing its protectionist measures to allow more foreign participation into the auto sector to stimulate growth and competitiveness.     

英属时期印度人移民马来亚的原因及其影响研究

英属时期,印度人大规模移民马来亚。析其原因,当时西方资本主义殖民经济的蓬勃发展和奴隶制的废除是推动印度人大规模移民马来亚的国际背景;移民输出地印度和输入地马来亚当时的政治、经济、社会及人口状况等因素则是推动印度人大规模移民的地区背景。大规模外来移民的结果不仅改变了马来半岛固有的民族成分和社会结构,也为日后马来(西)亚的族群矛盾和冲突埋下了伏笔。     

“阿拉伯之春”之外的马来西亚

2010年底突尼斯爆发的"茉莉花革命",在2011年扩展为"阿拉伯之春",阿拉伯地区发生大面积民众抗议和起义并因此推翻了多个国家的现政权,那么为何东南亚那些一党长期执政的国家没有受此影响而发生类似剧变?在马来西亚的个案中,马来西亚已经形成的两大政治阵营之间的和平竞争体制、纳吉布政府进行的政治与公共事务变革以及多方面改善民生的措施是其中的关键原因。但是,纳吉布政府仍然面临着诸多挑战,包括经济风险、民生难题、族际公平、贪污腐败、选民意向、反对党的竞争。事实表明,在马来西亚即便革命是没必要的,但坚决的体制革新是绝对不能少的。     

阿都拉政府的政治与外交

2003年10月底上台的阿都拉政府,在处理政治和外交问题上展现出明显的新风格,得到了举国上下和国际社会的肯定和支持,马来西亚的政治和外交也最终重回正常发展的轨道.但马来西亚政治和外交的主要方针基本没变,阿都拉政府的成功,除了领导人的个人特质外,也取决于相对稳定的内外形势.马来西亚政治和外交的近期发展令人看好,但也存在一些值得关注的不确定因素.