Water as a political good: implications for investments

There is an urgent need for investments in the water sector. Still about a billion people lack access to drinking water services, and the double amount lacks proper sanitation services. To reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) substantial additional funding needs to be accessed. In view of the low priority given to the water sector by all prospective investors, the perspective of failure to reach the MDGs is eminent. The main argument made in this paper is that a formidable obstacle in accessing and using funds in the water sector is the omission to include explicitly the political nature of water in investment decisions. Due to its multifaceted and internally conflicting character, politics are a fact of life in the water sector. The menu of (suitable) investment options for a given locality is very much dependent on the political environment in which these water services are to be provided. While the impact of the political realm on water services is often acknowledged (most frequently in negative terms as it is seen as one of the main causes of poor performance of public utilities), few professionals really take the political environment explicitly into account when taking decisions relating to the provision of water services. In this paper it is propagated that the political dimension of water should be made explicit in an attempt to increase access and sustainability of investments in the water sector. Sound and sustainable investment in water services can only be achieved by taking into account the existing political environment in which those water services are to be delivered.     

传统与现代:论"礼"的宪法学定性

一、引言八十多年前,以陈独秀和李大钊为首的五四运动思想家把儒学视为现代宪政的死对头。当时,他们激烈反对保守派要把孔孟之道作为"国教"而写入宪法的企图。在今天看来,他们的这项努力显然是合理与进步的。但他们的评论同时显示,中国的激进知识分子想做的远不止是这些。他们认为,儒学是完完全全违背宪政精神的,并应作为中国社会与人格改造的障碍而被彻底抛弃。陈独秀相当准确地把儒学等同于其礼治体系,而后者的一系列规则——从"三年之丧"到"三纲五常"——已经受到激烈批判。李大钊则在要求把孔子的名字从当时正在争论的宪法中删去的同时,列举了儒学和西方宪政格格不入的多条理由。本文写作的目的之一,在于为儒学就其与宪政之间的关系提供部分辩护。我认为儒学并不和宪政精神背道而驰。恰恰相反,传统的礼治正是宪政的一种形式。儒家的"礼"看似陈旧迂腐、繁琐不堪,但实际上能     

宪法的稳定性与稳定性的宪法——以中美宪法文本的比较为视角

宪法的稳定性既是维持宪政秩序有效运行的基础,也是宪法作为根本法的原则性和作为法律的规范性的具体要求。美国宪法具有较强的特定性,它是通过民众对宪法精神的敬畏与信仰,以及宪法文本的独特品质与最高法院的宪法解释等途径实现的。探索《美国宪法》稳定性的深层背景,检讨我国《宪法》文本的缺失与不足,对于我们如何处理宪法的稳定性与适应性的关系,完善我国的宪法解释与宪法修改制度,都具有十分重要的借鉴意义。     

Hybrid governance mechanisms as political instruments: the case of sustainability partnerships

Hybrid governance mechanisms have become one of the most preferred models of governance. Their influence and use have increased slowly but consistently since the end of the Cold War. This article investigates their political dimension, by way of studying United Nations’ partnerships for sustainable development, registered with the commission on sustainable development (CSD). Around 350 sustainability partnerships that promise to solve environmental problems and achieve the MDGs are registered with the CSD. Since their endorsement at the 2002 Johannesburg Summit, various studies assessed their value for environmental governance often finding them ineffective or counter-productive. This article exposes a new set of influences that partnerships have on the practice and discourses of global environmental governance, by following the politics of their emergence, that of partnership building and registration, and their actualization: During their negotiation, various contestations emerged and influenced the resulting partnerships regime; this is studied through in-depth interviews. Secondly, this regime leaves many geographical and participatory lacunas with political effects, which are studied through a large-N database. Finally, the unintended consequences of partnership projects on their issue areas and the discursive changes they cause in environmental governance reveal an otherwise concealed political dimension: The introduction of controversial technologies into the UN platforms.     

基层自治的自由理论——以马克思的自由观为主导

相较于自由主义的理解而言，马克思主义对于自治的理解更为精辟和深刻。马克思的自治观认为，在自治诸要素中联合的因素远重要于管理的因素，马克思主义认为自治的管理仅仅是实现自由人联合的手段或者途径，管理不是目的，自治的管理最终是为了促进个体联合的集体自由；自由的集体是以自治个体的联合为其存在前提的，这种自治个体的联合必须要超越血缘自然及其衍生的专制统治的束缚，以及以物和物的商品交换所形成的资本异化的压制。     

中国第一部近代宪法—《鄂州约法》

《鄂州临时约法》是民国时期湖北军政府制定的中国历史上第一个资产阶级近代民权宪法草案 ,它的人民立宪思想、民主立宪程序和突出的人权法案内容 ,为中国近代立宪主义树立了一个样板 ,在中国宪政史上居于开创性的历史地位。     

宪法哲学:自由的哲学

宪法哲学是以人为起点并以人为归宿的哲学。一切与人有关的哲学 ,都与人的自由有关 ,因而 ,都可以说是自由的哲学。早期的自由哲学是借助于宪法来谋求其目的的 ;而现代的宪法哲学 ,又往往借助于自由哲学来建构其自身。人的自由状况取决于人的生活方式。普遍的自由只能是一种低度标准的自由 ,低度自由的标准同时也就是有限政府的标准。     

Taking stock of the practice of the right to freedom of political association in Tanzania: constitutional developments from 1992 to 2005

This article is an analytical examination of how the major changes that took place in Tanzania in 1992 in the constitutional set‐up and political practice and organization affected the freedoms of political association and assembly in the country. It begins by comparing the rights comprising the Tanzanian Bill of Rights with similar provisions in other instruments at the international and regional level, as well as the constitutions of neighbouring countries. Moreover, the provisions of the Eighth Constitutional Amendment Act 1992 (Act No 4 of 1992), which abolished the one‐party political system are considered in detail. It is concluded that broad enjoyment of the freedoms of political association and assembly is a pre‐requisite for the existence in a country of true democratic governance, because these freedoms are the bedrock of all other rights.     

Constitutional courts as promoters of political centralization: lessons for the European Court of Justice

A cross-section analysis covering up to 42 countries and including the usual control variables shows that central government outlays as a share of general government outlays are significantly larger if the judges of the constitutional or supreme court are independent of the federal government and parliament and if the barriers to constitutional amendment are high. This evidence is consistent with the view that constitutional judges have a vested interest in centralization or that there is self-selection or both. These insights are used to draw lessons for the reform of the European Court of Justice. Self-selection should be reduced by requiring judicial experience—ideally with the highest national courts. The vested interest in centralization could be overcome by adding a subsidiarity court.     

欧洲一体化与欧盟制宪:一种宪法学的解读

作为世界上最成功的目标和价值共同体 ,欧盟制宪既是欧洲一体化进展的必然结果 ,也是欧洲一体化深化和扩大的现实需要。用宪法学的理论分析欧盟制宪的动因、宪政基础 ,有利于从理论上解决欧洲宪法制定过程中可能产生的问题 ,也有利于向世界范围扩展宪政理念。     

宪法是审判工作的根本法律依据

我国宪法序言明确规定 ,一切国家机关都必须以宪法为根本活动准则 ,保证宪法的实施。一切国家机关包括法院 ,法院最主要的活动是审判活动。据此 ,法院的审判活动必须以宪法为根本准则和根本的法律依据。民事、行政诉讼案件中是可以适用宪法原则 ,引用宪法条文规定的 ,但限于普通法律并无具体规定 ,而宪法又有原则规定时 ,方可引用。建议对宪法诉讼程序作特别规定 ,即应以中级或高级人民法院为第一审法院。     

论公民权利的宪法设置--以《权利法案》为例

作为美国联邦宪法重要组成部分的《权利法案》规定了完备的程序制度,为规范权力、保障人权奠定了坚实的基础。其程序性的制度设置为公民权利是否列入宪法,如何列入宪法提供了技术支持,澄清了人们对公民实体权利宪法规定的必要性和可能性问题上的疑虑。     

Money laundering laws as a political instrument: the social cost of arbitrary money laundering enforcement

The paper explains the reasons for modern money laundring legislation, namely to reduce the incidence of certain primary offences. Whereas enactment and effectuation of this legislation is costly, its postive effects typically materialize in other jurisdictions (positive external effects). The paper shows that international covenants seek to give direct incentives to overcome the possible underprovision in anti-money laundering legislation and enforcement. The paper also shows how, in such an international context, anti-money laundering legislation can be easily misused as a political weapon in the cross-border fight against "unwanted individuals" and gives concrete examples for such an arbitrary enforcement.