Attitudes towards culture in the new home: self-initiated expatriate academics in Turkey

The main question of this paper is ‘What are the attitudes of self-initiated expatriate academics towards their host culture?’ This question was explored in terms of whether the expatriates view themselves as separate from or part of the new cultural environment. The question was examined empirically with a qualitatively structured study.. Eighteen participants from 13 countries who are expatriate academics living and working in Turkey were interviewed, and thematic analysis was used to interpret the qualitative data. Communication, religion, food culture, daily life, social relations and structure are the main cultural themes that directly influence the expatriates. The results reveal that participants’ attitude towards each cultural issue can be categorized as being adjusted, exploring or missing home. Self-initiated expatriate academics who feel at home, those who learn new things from the host culture and those who have difficulties, feel themselves as a native, an explorer or a stranger, respectively.     

Climate action versus inaction: balancing the costs for Gulf energy exporters

ABSTRACT

Climate change poses a strategic dilemma for oil-exporting states of the Gulf. By sapping global demand for crude oil, climate action threatens the economic rents that underpin their governance and regime legitimacy. However, the Gulf states are also among the countries most exposed to physical risks of a warming climate and thus would benefit most from reducing ongoing accumulations of carbon in the atmosphere and associated adaptation costs. In other words, the political and economic risks of climate action run counter to the physical and environmental risks. These bifurcated interests differentiate the Gulf producers from oil exporters in more temperate regions, which would experience milder short-run damage—or even benefits—from a warming climate. A successful economic diversification strategy could address both physical and economic risks but would require structural changes in rentier governance.     

Moralizing metaphors: Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff on parliamentary oratory

SUMMARY

It is commonly assumed that real political eloquence can only exist under a free and popular government. But in monarchies, public oratory has had little effect on decision-making processes and therefore seems to have degenerated into an ideological affirmation of princely rule and is judged a negligible phenomenon. But recent research has shown that political power is much more than the taking of collectively binding decisions. It also has a symbolic dimension that is related to the performative representation of the commonwealth's socio-political order. To assess political eloquence in monarchies, the article focuses on the parliamentary oratory of Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff, the only German-speaking practitioner of political oratory in the seventeenth century to have published some of his orations in book form. Analysing the speeches shows Seckendorff as an erudite and experienced political thinker. A deep understanding of both the reality and theory of the Ständestaat found expression in the most prominent feature of his oratorical practice: his ingenuity to find or create new metaphors depicting the relationship between ruler and subjects. Seckendorff crafted political metaphors to expose the moral foundations of a good commonwealth and to exert moral pressure on his audience. His oratory was about ‘moral education’. Seckendorff himself, however, overlooked the fact that the very ceremoniousness of his speeches carried a performative force that shaped and reshaped the socio-political order of the commonwealth.     

Politics,Economics and Saudi Military Intervention in Bahrain

The March 14, 2011 Saudi military intervention in Bahrain to suppress pro-democracy uprisings created serious regional and global concerns. Political analysts and commentators have interpreted the Saudi intervention primarily in terms of domestic and regional political and strategic dynamics. This paper analyses the intervention issue from both political and economic perspectives and argues that the Saudi decision to intervene in Bahrain to trample the democratic rights of common Bahrainis was no less, if not more, influenced by economic factors than political and strategic calculations. Moreover, similar Saudi interventions in other Gulf Cooperation Council countries remain a reality if the status quo is seriously threatened by any internal pro-democracy forces, with or without external support.     

GCC‐EU political cooperation: myth or reality?

Arab hopes of an emerging multipolar international system after the Cold War were immediately dashed by the second Gulf War. The US proved to be the indispensable guarantor of security, especially for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Nevertheless, the EU and the GCC had engaged in a successful relationship since their formal cooperation agreement in 1988. The following article gives an insight into the priorities of both. Furthermore, it asks whether the numerous political declarations of the EU‐GCC Joint Council are more compensation for stalemate in the free trade negotiations than the expression of real political ambition, with the GCC mainly interested in using the EU as an element of counterbalance and the EU primarily concerned with safe energy supplies. Finally, the article examines the probability of continuing European junior partnership with the US or a more equal role in the Gulf area—either through European initiative or an increasing American reluctance to make sacrifices in order to secure the oil flow to European economic competitors.     

Repression as a Double‐edged Sword: Resilient Monarchs,Repression and Revolution in the Arab World

The Arab world shows a puzzling variation of political violence. The region's monarchies often remain quiet, while other autocracies witness major upheaval. Institutional explanations of this variation suggest that monarchical rule solves the ruler's credible commitment problems and prevents elite splits. This article argues that institutional explanations neglect the role of repression: increasing the scope of repression raises the costs of rebellion and deters rebels. However, the deterrence effect disappears if repression is used indiscriminately. If remaining peaceful offers no benefits, repression creates new rebels instead of deterring them. A time‐series‐cross‐section analysis of repression and political violence in the Middle East and North Africa corroborates our argument and shows the u‐curve relation between repression and violence. Once we control for repression, monarchies have no special effect anymore. Thus, our article addresses the discussion about monarchical exceptionalism, and offers an explanation why repression deters as well as incites political violence.     

The British Empire in India,the Gulf pearl and the making of the Middle East

Abstract

Genealogies of the term ‘Middle East’ conventionally focus on a juncture around the 1890s, when it gained new geopolitical currency, promoted by various European and American officials with reference to a space centred around the Arabo-Persian Gulf. This article argues instead that the ‘Middle East’ label should be seen as the culmination of a longer process, led less from London than from India. Over the previous century, this consolidation of ‘British’ India as a distinct regional actor was accompanied by the conceptualisation of its borderlands, including that Gulf-centred space. This space become a theatre for economic and political monitoring strategised from India, seeking to transform what was represented as a pirate-infested margin into a pacified buffer zone. Control and exploitation of pearl fisheries, the main economic activity for Gulf populations, was central to these efforts. Imperial strategy around the Gulf pearl was a key tool in founding an informal Indian empire in the Gulf and its hinterlands, in that very space to which the name ‘Middle East’ would subsequently be given.     

The politics of rebellion and intervention in Ituri:the emergence of a new political complex?

This article offers an interpretation of the present conflictin Ituri based on social analysis. Other than the conventionalaccounts which depart from the presence of foreign troops onCongolese soil, reduce the war to a struggle for natural resourcesor see it as the result of age-old ethnichatreds, the authorstry to place this conflict into its social setting. The centralargument of this article is that the outbreak of violence inIturi has been the result of the exploitation, by local andregional actors, of a deeply rooted local political conflictfor access to land, economic opportunity and political power.Firstly, it is assumed that the destruction of the local socioeconomicfabric and the emergence of ethnicity as the main basis forpolitical mobilization has been the result of a long historicalprocess in which access to land, education, political positionsand economic dominance have played a crucial role. Secondly,it is asserted that, although foreign elements (i.e. the UPDFand RDF, formerly RPA) have contributed significantly to theescalation of the political crisis in Ituri, the war has alsoprovided a perfect platform for local political and economicactors to redefine their position in this new political andeconomic landscape. Eventually, this emerging political complexhas led to the development of a new political economy whichis characterized by a shift from traditional to military rule,to privatized, non-territorial networks of economic control,and to the consolidation of ethnic bonds in the economic andpolitical sphere.     

Deconstructing Minorities/Majorities in Parliamentary Gulf States (Kuwait and Bahrain)

Abstract

The notion of ‘minority’ has traditionally been understood as an ethnic or religious category based on primary identity markers, and as such only makes sense relative to a broader polity. On closer examination, however, the case of the smaller Gulf states illustrates the constructed nature of the minority/majority dialectic. In these societies, with mixed populations and transnational foundations—, monarchic regimes have historically asserted themselves by promoting some groups over others to secure their loyalty.

This is particularly true in the parliamentary regimes of Kuwait and Bahrain. This article contends that while the ethno-religious understanding of ‘minority’ makes little heuristic sense in these two countries, the minority/majority dialectic is part of a political praxis used to garner support for the regime and by manufacturing ‘minorities’ to evade the principle of majority rule. The article traces the post-2011 responses by the Kuwaiti and Bahraini regimes to the rise of an oppositional majority. For Kuwait, it analyses the emphasis placed on the nation’s unity and the discrediting of the Bedouin’s political claims for Bahrain, it looks at how the authorities stressed the nation’s multicultural character to undermine the representativeness of the dominant Shiite political movement. Both strategies are designed to deflect the threat of power sharing.     

Higher Education and Sociopolitical Transformation in Jordan

Jordan's policy of higher education since the 1970s has entailed a major socio-economic transformation with vital political ramifications. A nonofficial and un-transparent affirmative action policy in the universities including admission quotas, scholarships, tuition fees and nominations of faculty members, in addition to decentralization of academic institutions, overbalanced the rate of the tribal Transjordanian community of the rural periphery at the expense of the Palestinians, who mostly reside in the urban centre. The proportion of Jordanians of Palestinian extraction among students and faculty members had been decreasing since the early 1970s, from about 95% to less then 50%, whereas they consist of over half of the population. Higher education became another area of Transjordanian dominance in addition to the civil service, the army and the polity. The rapid process of academization among the tribal populations resulted in their social and economic mobilization, both in the public sector and in lucrative positions in the Gulf States.     

De la Monarchie

SUMMARY

In this article Michel Peronnct discusses the problem of finding a clear, unambiguous terminology, based on contemporary texts, for the comparative discussion of political societies by historians. It takes as its example the classifications of Monarchy. The use of a priori categories, invented by the historians themselves, such as ‘absolutism’ or ‘enlightened despotism’ is argued to be unsatisfactory as such invented terminology cannot yield the necessary clarity. The paper concentrates on the comparison between the French and the English monarchies both of which originated as ‘consultative monarchies’ based on divine right, where the prince is sovereign but by custom takes advice from groups of his subjects, while retaining for himself the ultimate decision making power. This basic monarchical type can continue over long periods of time, as it did in France down to 1789 or it can develop in two directions. Rulers may, over time reduce or even discontinue the consultative processes, leading to autocratic monarchy, of which Joseph II of Austria would be an example. Or as in England the consultative institutions may develop an increasingly representative character and build on this to enforce limitations on the final decision making powers of the prince, producing the third type, representative monarchy. It is shown how this typology can be derived from contemporary texts and argued that it can offer a reliable system of classification for the purpose of comparative analysis.     

法国民族国家和民族观念论析

法兰西民族国家是长期历史演变的产物。大革命传统和共和主义理念奠定了当代法兰西民族国家的基石。在民族观念方面,法国与德国的分歧与历史文化差异有关,但也是欧洲大陆两大国政治博弈的产物。在法国,共和同化政策被视为进步和文明的表现。法国在社会文化模式和移民政策方面历来强调"大一统"和"共和原则",这主要是由于法国在世界上长期拥有的政治、经济和文化强国地位所决定的。然而,随着全球化的发展、欧洲一体化的深入、法国国际地位的下降,以及移民问题引发的社会危机,法国的民族国家观念、社会文化模式和民族认同受到了严重挑战。法国人不得不对法国的社会文化模式、法兰西民族认同,以及法兰西的前途进行重新思考。     

Nationalism,Domestic Politics,and the Japan Economic Rejuvenation

This article explores the role of nationalism in domestic politics in Japan since 2005 by contrasting the Koizumi and the Abe administration of 2012/2013. It argues that the Koizumi and Abe administrations have exploited nationalism as a means to consolidate political power, move away from faction-based politics toward populism-based politics to weaken factions within the political system with entrenched interests that are counter to or prevent bolder, necessary economic reforms to propel Japan out of 20 years of economic stagnation. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that while each politician has used nationalism to mobilize popular support for their respective administrations, Koizumi’s use of nationalism was to achieve an economic agenda while Abe’s use of nationalism has been used to achieve his political agenda which includes constitutional reform.     

Bolivia: Another Uncompleted Revolution

Since 1999, growing citizen dissatisfaction in Bolivia has been manifest in a cycle of often violent protests. Citizens believe that they have no means of expressing themselves except demonstrations. The public has grown weary of neoliberalism, which is perceived as benefiting only the elite. A recent economic downturn provided the catalyst for the unrest. Underlying these economic concerns, however, are fundamental problems with representation. The second Bolivian "revolution" involved not only the shift from state-led economic development to neoliberalism but also a shift from corporatism to pluralism. Representative institutions have not fully responded to the new pluralistic landscape, despite a range of political reforms. Many Bolivians find that their voice in government has weakened even as their needs have grown. The Bolivian case thereby highlights the obstacles young democracies face in winning over decreasingly tolerant citizens.     

Women of protest,men of applause: political activism,gender and tradition in Kyrgyzstan

ABSTRACT

Tradition has come to play an important role throughout Central Asia in a number of new ways since independence, but has been predominantly investigated regarding nation building. In this article, we show how tradition is being used operationally in the context of activism and political conflict. We expose the various motivations and tactics pursued by aksakals (lit., whitebeards) and by a movement of mature women called OBON (lit., Women Units for Special Purposes) as they participate in politics, and the role tradition plays in these activities. We argue that aksakals actively draw on tradition even in the political realm to avoid being derogatorily labelled ‘elders on duty’, whereas OBON women position themselves as economic and political actors but are subjected to discourses and practices of tradition by others. While both aksakals and OBON women have been central to political action in Kyrgyzstan in the last two decades, this article is the first to compare and contrast these two categories of unusual activists. The comparison reveals a perpetuation of culturally recognized gender roles even when these actors go beyond their ‘traditional’ realms of competence.     

Our Ancestors,Our Heroes: Saudi Tribal Campaigns to Suppress Historical Docudramas

Scholars of Arab media have explored key aspects of Gulf-Levant media integration in the wake of the privatisation of Arab media over the past several decades. Their studies tend to characterise the controversies that arise from this integration in terms of the relative influence of Islamist or religious values on producers and consumers. Yet behind these Gulf-Levant tensions, this article will argue, there is also a different cultural logic at work, one that engages other dimensions of culture apart from the religious, and concerns the relationship between documentation and authority in a once predominantly nomadic society. This logic was brought to the fore over the Syrian-produced, Gulf-financed Ramadan television series, Finjān al-Damm (‘Cup of Blood’). The Finjān al-Damm controversy speaks to a number of concerns that are crucial for understanding social and political life in the Arabian Peninsula today. These include the nature of censorship in Saudi Arabia, the nature of citizen activism in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, and the Saudi state's attitude towards tribalism. Underlying these concerns, the Finjān al-Damm story underscores a new consciousness about the relationship between documentation and authority in societies transitioning from predominantly oral to textual cultures.     

From Ancient to Modern Times: A Retrospective of Japan's Relationship with the Middle East

After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, interest in the Middle East and Islam has surged in Japan as well as the rest of the world. This marks the third time in modern history that there has been such a surge in interest in the region. The first oil crisis in 1973 and the Gulf War in 1991 had prompted the other occasions. On the previous occasions, the interest had been fleeting and had not had any lasting effect on the economic and political trends of Japan. In this article, Akira Mizuguchi, senior research fellow at the Middle East Institute of Japan, reflects on Japan's relationship with Islam. In a world of increasing globalization, the role of the nation state is changing. He considers whether Japanese interests within the framework of the nation state should determine strategies for energy, which has an enormous impact on economic activity. Also, he ponders on the best way to respond to the various social problems arising from the increase in multicultural friction.     

Re-conceptualizing civil society in rentier states

ABSTRACT

Civil society is typically understood as weak or irrelevant in Gulf rentier states, the assumption being that rent-derived wealth allows the state to co-opt or repress associational life. However, for all these claims about the relationship between rents and civil society, rentier state theory relies on a number of assumptions regarding the nature of civil society itself, specifically that civil society is, by definition, independent of the state, formal and public in organization, and pro-democratic in orientation. This article examines where relaxation of these assumptions allows us to better understand the political activities of civil society groups in Gulf rentier states, even as co-optative and repressive governance tactics continue to limit space for political activity. Instead of focusing on traditional forms of civil society, we should instead search for those parts of Gulf society that fulfil the function of civil society in terms of societal entities that act collectively to pursue a political purpose (including both engagement with the state over policy matters and debates on moral and social societal norms).     

The New Gulf Order: Crisis,Mediation, and Reconciliation

The longevity and depth of regional challenges in the Middle East have elevated political and security concerns to a new level within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in recent years. Three conflicting worldviews have confronted one another, resulting in debilitating consequences for the region. Increasing fragmentation of Arab politics, in turn, has engendered attempts at enforced Arab unity that have ultimately failed, further dividing and destabilizing the regional order. This article delineates the background of the Gulf crisis of 2017 within the broader context of the Arab Spring and analyzes the ensuing attempts at mediation, the US role in the region, political developments in Kuwait and Oman, normalization efforts with Israel, and the recent resolution of the Gulf crisis by examining various actors’ political roles.