A short journey through North‐Western Kansu and the Tibetan border country

Kashmir, at present, is not being treated as a priority by politicians or policy makers. The author argues that this is a grave mistake. The ground realities which have continued to blight the lives of millions in the region for decades have not been resolved. Not only do they demand resolution, but leave the region fragile and unstable, a danger exacerbated by the nuclear capabilities of India and Pakistan. The domestic narratives within India and Pakistan which lead to heightened hostility have been exacerbated by recent events such as the Mumbai Hotel attacks and cross-border skirmishes. A resolution of Kashmir would reverse these inherent tensions. The unresolved situation also undermines the human rights of the inhabitants of Kashmir. Likewise, it leads to an unconscionable waste of the natural resources of the region, as well as needless restrictions in Indo-Pakistani trade and money being tied up in military conflict. A resolution of the conflict would also have wide-scale benefits in the region, reaching to Afghanistan and China. In conclusion, the author surveys what might be practical ways of resolving the Kashmir problem.     

Czech‐German declaration on reconciliation

The Czech—German declaration, not being a binding treaty, is perceived as a fairly well balanced expression of political will. The cautiously formulated text does not represent a ‘break‐through ‘, but is an important step on the way to reconciliation. It makes the compensation of Czech victims of Nazi crimes possible ‐ the last to be dealt with in Europe. While not closing Sudeten German property demands in legal terms, it expresses the political will of the both sides not to burden mutual relations with issues originating in the past. While economic co‐operation has an excellent record, the declaration may ease bilateral political relations. The Czech Republic, however, will not play a role in German policy comparable to the role of Poland.     

Iran‐western Europe relations on the Mend

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Western Europe have had an uneasy political but economically productive relationship for two decades. During this period Iran and France, and Iran and Britain, have broken relations, and then restored them. Also, the West European countries (European Union, EU) have twice collectively briefly recalled their ambassadors from Iran over its alleged involvement in terrorism in Europe. Economically and commercially, however, the EU and Iran have enjoyed a much better relationship. For example, trade between Iran and the EU reached $29 billion in 1996, including the most controversial oil agreement between France and Iran. The agreement was signed despite a strong objection from the US. Also, the skeleton of the Rushdie affair, which had haunted the two sides for so long, was finally put to rest when President Khatami declared that the affair was ‘completely finished’.     

A note on the “ Hudud al‐'Alam “

The Sino‐Soviet Conflict 1956–61. By Donald S. Zagoria. Princeton University Press; London, Oxford University Press, 1962. Pp. 484. Notes. Appendices. Bibliog. Index. 50s.     

Women students in the former GDR‐a research note

Drawing on longitudinal statistics on admissions, graduation, subject choices and studies in eastern European countries, the paper brings together further evidence about the unequal opportunities of women in higher education in the former GDR.     

The delegations: Preliminary sketch of a semi‐parliamentary institution

Summary

The introduction of glasnost heralded a revival of interest in the last years of tsarism and the period of semi‐constitutional monarchy from 1905–1917. The October Manifesto of 1905 was the first time a Russian autocrat had devolved any part of his unlimited and autocratic powers to an elected assembly. The Duma, which met for the first time in April 1906, was a parliament, but it had limited powers and the Tsar still referred to himself as an autocrat.

During the period between the summer of 1905 and the Duma opening there was a considerable debate in Russian intellectual and political circles as to the form the new body should take and what its powers should be. This paper is primarily concerned to discuss this debate and the differing concepts of the role of the Duma. It examines the historical precedents in Russian history for the idea of such a body and looks at the ideas put forward as to the nature of the new parliament by different political groups. It concentrates on the various branches of the liberal movement but also considers briefly the attitudes taken by the socialists and within government circles.     

A historical and dignity‐centred perspective on Haiti's struggle for justice

Abstract

In 1804 Haitian and African revolutionaries defeated their French former masters to achieve the only successful slave revolt in history. In C. L. R. James's (1963, 391) standard account of this event, it is described as the moment West Indians first became aware of themselves as a people. Slavery was abolished and Haiti was transformed to a legal sanctuary for all Africa ‐ descended people seeking freedom; a great justice milestone. However, the country's subsequent 200‐year history has been dominated by the struggle for justice; crippled by a dysfunctional judicial system with ‘justice’ bought and sold to the highest bidder. What justice? Better yet, whose perspective of justice? This article attempts to explicate a Haitian conception of justice by looking at the historical underpinnings of justice theories in Haiti, the ‘inside‐the‐court formal system and the outside‐the‐court form of community justice’ (Moore 1992, 15). It argues that for any system of justice to work it must be based on a Haitian perspective of justice grounded in Haiti's history and its dignity‐centred approach to justice.     

Switzerland on the Road from a Consociational to a Centrifugal Democracy?

Can Switzerland still be classified as an example of consociational democracy, characterized by power sharing and elite cooperation, by the second decade of the 21^st century? Drawing on Lijphart's typology of consociational and centrifugal regimes, an analysis of the transformation of Swiss democracy reveals that while Switzerland continues to display institutional elements of power sharing, a polarizing and competitive trend can be observed in the governing style of the elite. Increasingly adversarial elite behaviour and a growing polarization within parliament and government as well as with regards to referendums indicate a growing shift toward centrifugal democracy.     

A note on Tunuslu Hayreddin Paşa

This article explores the creation of modern Iraq in the period between the Armistice of Mudros in October 1918, marking the end of the First World War in the Middle East, and the conclusion of a formal peace treaty with Turkey in 1923. It looks at how far the British occupiers considered the ethno-religious character of the population while defining frontiers and political system in the territory, focusing on the three major ethno-religious groups in Iraq: Shia Arabs, Sunni Arabs and Kurds. It shows that British policy, influenced by the state of Anglo-Turkish relations, the relationship between officials in London and officials in Baghdad, and British economic necessities and public sentiments towards imperialism, evolved through three main phases: progressively, ethnic and religious factors receded in significance.