John Cell

The author offers a tribute to the life and scholarship of the late John Cell.     

米尔斯海默剖析现实世界

约翰·米尔斯海默 (JohnJ.Mearsheimer) ,美国芝加哥大学政治学教授、美国艺术与科学学院院士 ,著名国际关系理论家。他的代表作《大国政治的悲剧》已经被翻译成中文出版 ,在中国国际关系理论界激起了广泛的关注和争鸣。在这部著作中 ,米尔斯海默教授直言不讳地指出 :2 1世纪早期 ,中国的崛起将“像美国支配西半球一样支配亚洲” ,而“美国将竭力阻止中国获得地区霸权 ,因为美国不能容忍世界舞台上存在与之匹敌的竞争对手。其结果便是中美之间激烈而危险的安全竞争 ,这种竞争类似于美苏冷战期间的那种对抗”。米尔斯海默教授也因此被认为…     

Libertarian Traditions: F.A. Hayek and John Anderson

An examination of John Anderson's work in relation to other political theorists of his time would help to provide a more adequate assessment of one of the “greats” of Australian intellectual and cultural life. Comparisons between Anderson's libertarian strain and F.A. Hayek's have been noted but there has been no real attempt to draw out the real differences arising from their substantive theoretical positions. Anderson and Hayek rejected any notion of a single, complete ethical code; they despaired at the demoralising effects of a culture of dependence and irresponsibility; they rejected the ameliorative liberalism represented by T.H. Green and Bernard Bosanquet. But they disagreed centrally in their assessments of those practices and movements which act as sites of resistance to the levelling standards and values of commercial and consumerist institutions.     

Baltic materials among the John C. Wiley papers

Zusammenfassung

In der Hauptsache sind die schwedischen Aktionen in Richtung Newa-Gebiet, von der Wikingerzeit bis 1703, durchgehend mit Pull-Faktoren wie Profitmöglichkeiten im Transithandel und der Eigenproduktion der angestrebten Gegenden zu erklären. Sicherlich schien es besonders wichtig zu sein, die Hauptader der Ost-West-Kommunikation zu besitzen oder kontrollieren zu können, daß heißt die Newa. Die Bedeutung jener Wasserstraße war ja schon seit der Wikingerzeit klar und eindeutig. Und der Hafen an der Mündung der Ochta in die Newa war in der Tat für etwas tiefergehende Schiffe erheblich besser geeignet als ein Hafen in der sumpfigen Umgebung. An sich darf man wohl auch das stetig zielbewußter werdende Streben der Schweden ins Newa-Gebiet als ein Vorspiel zu Zar Peters großartige Stadtgründung St. Petersburg betrachten. Genau dieselben Pull-Faktoren müssen auch die Russen in diese ehemalige ostseefinnische Gegend gezogen haben.

Also finden wir Leningrads älteste Vorgänger innerhalb seiner heutigen Stadtgrenze, aber ein kleines Stück östlich vom jetzigen Stadtzentrum, im Viertel Malaja Ochta. Der älteste namentlich bekannte Vorgänger wäre dann nichts anderes als das alte, in der Erikschronik genannte “Landskrona.”

Damit ergibt sich folgendes Kontinuum:

• (1)Die von Ostseefinnen dünnbesiedelte Sumpfgegend “nōvaňeva.”

• (2)Im Jahre 1300-01 die schwedische Schanze “Landskrona.”

• (3)Das von den Hanseaten benannte “Nyen” ab 1382, wo der Nowgoroder Timofej Gruzow im Jahre 1500 32 Dörfer besaß.

• (4)Die Schweden übernehmen spätestens 1521 den Ortsnamen “Nyen.”

• (5)Ab 1610 die schwedische Festung “Nyenskans” und auf der anderen Seite der Ochta ab 1642 die schwedische Stadt “Nyen.”

• (6)Ab 1712 die kaiserlich-russische Hauptstadt “St. Petersburg,”

• (7)die während des Ersten Weltkrieges den Namen “Petrograd” erhielt

• (8)und die seit Lenins Tod im Jahre 1924 den Namen “Leningrad” trägt.

     

Re-collecting the Musical Politics of John and Nokutela Dube

On the occasion of the ANC’s centenary this article analyzes the musical contributions of founding president, John Langalibalele Dube and his first wife, Nokutela Dube. Through an analysis of the sonic metaphors the Dubes used in their speeches and letter-writing I show that the idea of transcribing music was essential to imagining freedom, modernity, and a relation to transnational black struggles. Close readings of their collection of secular songs, Zulu Songbook, and John Dube’s novel UJeqe reveal how their political and educational endeavors informed their writing, as well as the continuities and disjunctures between their intellectual labor and that of contemporaries such as Solomon Plaatje, Pixely ka Isaka Seme, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Booker T. Washington.     

一种现代主义的视角--《文化帝国主义》评介

“文化帝国主义”一词是 6 0年代出现的激进的社会批判术语之一。国际政治现实主义学派创始人汉斯·摩根索曾在其代表作《国际纵横策论 :争强权 ,求和平》中对此现象作过探讨。在他看来 ,文化帝国主义是对人心的征服与控制。① 勿庸置疑 ,作为帝国主义的形式之一 ,文化帝国主义与权力话语有着难以割断的联系。冷战之后 ,随着全球化的进一步深化 ,各国文化在前所未有的广度与深度上相互交汇与碰撞 ,民族文化面临着严峻的挑战。世界同质化唤醒了人们的民族意识与文化自觉。民族主义者在捍卫民族文化的独特性与自主性的斗争中把矛头直指文化帝…     

John Stuart Mill on the Antipodes: Settler Violence against Indigenous Peoples and the Legitimacy of Colonial Rule

J.S. Mill's support for colonialism and empire has attracted recent critical attention in the context of debates about his status as a modern egalitarian liberal, and liberalism's historical justification for empire. While Mill defended imperialism for most of his life on the grounds that it brought progress and civilization to historically backward peoples, his later correspondence reveals that he became increasingly concerned that settler violence against subordinated populations, notably in New Zealand, India and the West Indies, undermined the civilizing mission. Mill had been a strong advocate for settler societies in Australia and New Zealand, but came to fear that colonial abuses of power over indigenous peoples would vitiate the utilitarian benefits of colonial self‐rule.     

Jeremy Bentham,John Stuart Mill and the Secret Ballot: Insights from Nineteenth Century Democratic Theory

As part of a series of demands for political reform in Britain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, Jeremy Bentham famously made a case for use of the secret ballot in elections. The advocacy of Bentham and his disciples on this issue fed into broader and at times robust public debate, particularly in the 1830s. On the opposite side of this debate was another leading political theorist, John Stuart Mill, who opposed secret ballot reform. This paper re‐examines the contours of this debate, making the case that it has important implications for contemporary political theory and debates about democracy. Firstly, and in terms of making sense of the debate itself, it points to the need to make a distinction between the “voter intimidation” argument and the Benthamite preference aggregation argument. Secondly, it suggests that distinguishing between vote‐buying and voter's dependence provides support for defenders of the secret ballot. Thirdly, it demonstrates the potential application of the idea of voting held in “trust” to the so‐called boundary problem in democratic theory. Finally, it points to the potentially wide but overlooked application of the Chartist idea of open voting (allowing the oppressed to identify their allies) in contemporary political theory.     

From the State of Nature to Evolution in John Stuart Mill

John Stuart Mill's familiar ideas, such as the harm principle, the emphasis on the liberty of thought and discussion, and the extension of politics into the family and education, are all linked to a developmental and open–ended view of nature. To ground this perception of nature, Mill makes use of contemporary notions of evolution. For Mill, nature encompasses human civilisation and its higher products such as morality and justice. However, Mill recognises no benevolent guiding hand in the physical world, which the idea of evolution enables him to understand as self–propelled. Destruction and pain are part of the overall developmental movement, so that human lives always stand the danger of being crushed by nature. To minimise such risks, humans should use the distinctive features of their species, such as reason and morality, thus continuing nature while transforming it.