Sino-US love and hate relations

This article examines the issues surrounding the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade on 7th of May 1999. It first describes both the official and the unofficial Chinese reaction to the bombing. Then the Western media reaction to the Chinese reaction is analyzed. The article then proceeds to identify the emotional impact of the bombing on the Chinese. Finally, the article looks at the consequences that the bombing has already caused or likely to lead to. The article contrasts the views and perception of the Western media about the nature and motivation of the bombing with these by the Chinese and the Chinese media. It also contrasts how the Western media reported and interpreted the Chinese demonstrations with how the Chinese saw the demonstrations themselves. The article argues that the bombing is a watershed event for the Chinese both psychologically and strategically. Psychologically, the Chinese honeymoon with the U.S. since the start of the post-Mao reform has finally come to an end, though they still love things American. Strategically, China does not have any illusion about the U.S being a friendly partner in the next century.     

新教伦理与新加坡文明

新加坡希冀通过倡导儒家思想复兴的行动去消除新教伦理的弊端 ,促进社会的和谐发展 ,经过十几年的努力 ,现今已取得初步成效。本文通过论述新加坡的独特文明 ,在肯定新加坡实行理性资本主义管理方式而经济实现繁荣的同时 ,对儒家思想为特征的东方文化与新教伦理在新加坡的相互影响提出了移植、兼容和趋同等观点 ,并对儒家复兴是否能引导新加坡社会走上和谐发展的道路阐述了个人的看法。     

Brexit and the Overseas Territories: Repercussions for the Periphery

Abstract

There are 14 United Kingdom Overseas Territories (UKOTs), of which nine are associated with the European Union (EU) via the Overseas Association Decision adopted by the EU in 2013. Gibraltar, meanwhile, is part of the EU under Article 355(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU. Only the citizens of Gibraltar were able to vote in the referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU, but the consequences for all are potentially very significant. The UKOTs benefit currently from economic and environmental cooperation, as well as development assistance and policy dialogue. The article considers briefly the growth of the relationship between the UKOTs and the EU, before setting out the key aspects of the relationship which the territories are keen to maintain. The second half of the article focuses on the (minor) role the UKOTs played in the referendum debate, and what might happen to the present levels of cooperation as the UK disengages from the EU.     

From rebels to politicians: Explaining the transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

This article analyses the transformation of two former Congolese rebel groups, namely the Congolese Rally for Democracy–Goma (RCD-Goma) and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), into political parties following the conclusion of the Second Congo War (1998–2003) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is argued that three sets of factors influenced the process of the political transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC. These factors related to the stabilisation process that unfolded in the country starting with the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement in July 1999, the make-up and the behaviour of the rebel groups involved as well as changes in international politics, especially the advent of the Bush administration to power in the United States in January 2001, which led to increased international pressure on Rwanda and Uganda to desist from interfering in Congolese internal affairs and the strengthening of the United Nations' peace efforts in the DRC.     

Die multilokale Mehrgenerationenfamilie

In the fourties, René König and Ernest W. Burgess formulated concepts for the family, with the internal coherence being based on the relations and the feelings of the family members. Therefore, König feared the disorganization and disintegration of the institution of the family. In contrast, Talcott Parsons developed the model of a cooperative family organization, whose stability is not based on the feelings, but is regulated by the reciprocal functioning of the family members. The thesis of this essay is that Parsons — contrary to König and Burgess — developed a valid model of the family of the industrial society. This model is empirically examinable, but furthermore indicates in detail the conditions designating the stability or the decay of the model. Today the fordist family model of Parsons is replaced by the model of the multi-local and multi-generational family.     

From the Sultan to Atatürk

The concept of homeland, vatan, the essential part of the nation-state establishing the link between the people and the territory, territorializes the national identity by creating a sense of belonging to the sacred soil and turning the imagined boundaries into physical ones. In Turkey, constructing the borders of the national identity and vatan required the transformation of the Ottoman imperial paradigm into a nation-state. Republican reforms were unprecedented in terms of combining Turkish identity with territoriality. With the establishment of the Turkish nation-state, a sense of nationalism substituted servitude to the sultan with loyalty to vatan. This was revolutionary in that the nation was disassociated from Islam and God as the community of believers and from the Ottoman sultan as his loyal servants and now was anchored to the life-giving vatan. This article examines the change in the pedagogy of space in Turkey from the late nineteenth century to the first three decades of the twentieth century, exploring how the mental maps of Turkish people shifted from an imperial to a national scope.     

日本平安时代大江氏家族的贡举参与探究

大江氏家族是日本平安时代名闻遐迩的文化世家,公元7-8世纪中国科举制的东传为大江氏家族发展提供了重要契机。大江氏家族自始祖大江音人以来,读书应举,十一世父子、兄弟连第,可谓是英才迭出。研究大江氏家族的贡举参与不仅有益于剖析大江氏家族贡举成功的原因,还能把握大江氏家族与日本贡举制特征的内在关联性,挖掘贡举制度无法根植在日本社会的泉源。     

The Baltic Sea region in international relations of the twentieth century: The seminal nature of the interwar period

Abstract

The article addresses the idea and problems of political cooperation and integration of the Baltic Sea countries in the twentieth century from the point of view of a small nation. In the interwar period such cooperation between both old and new nations was virtually non-existent. Still, the second half of the 1920s became a sort of prediction of the direction in which the relationships between the small nations on the Baltic might develop when the region was not dominated by imperialist great power policies. The end of the twentieth century in this region differs radically from the first half of the century in both the former and the latter. Yet the developments of today signify the realization of the visions of that period.     

Collectivisation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 1960–66: A Comment

This article analyses the developments of current account balances of Bangladesh since the 1950s. Available evidence suggests that the loss of the Indian raw jute market in the 1950s and the arrival of jute substitutes in the international market in the 1960s have had lasting impacts on the current account position of Bangladesh. An empirical investigation of the effects of external factors on the current account balances of Bangladesh for the 1973–89 period suggests that the real effective exchange rate of Bangladesh Taka and the economic activity in the industrial countries were the major determinants of current account balances of Bangladesh. Indeed, empirical results reject the strict version of the twin-deficit hypothesis for Bangladesh.     

A Landlord's Notice to Quit: The May 2012 Municipal Elections in Italy

This article explores the significance of the local elections of May 2012 for the general direction of change in Italian politics. The forces of the centre-right were deserted en masse but without those of the centre-left effectively capitalising on the discontent, which was, instead, expressed by the spectacular advance of the ‘non-party’, the almost completely novel Five-Star Movement. As the last major contest on the political agenda before the next general election due in no more than a year, the May outcome revealed just how difficult it was likely to be for either of the two coalitions to obtain a clear victory on that occasion. The article discusses the extent and the nature of these difficulties – deriving from voters' clear rejection of ‘politics as usual’ – by analysing the run-up, the campaign, the outcome and the aftermath of the May elections.     

Oversight of the Executive in the Eastern Cape Province,South Africa

This paper examines legislative oversight of the Executive in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa, since the divisions within the ANC in the run-up to the party's 2007 Polokwane conference. It explores the dynamics of oversight and experiences of MPLs of the governing and opposition parties and of legislators and senior officials of government. Importantly, it assesses the perception and confidence of citizens in rural communities in the oversight process of the Legislature. The paper argues that the factions within the ruling party have had remarkable impact on the oversight of the Executive in the Eastern Cape. Whilst a vital element of the legislative process in the Eastern Cape, oversight is weak and ineffective: ineffectual oversight intersects with citizen apathy in legislative and oversight processes in the province.     

Hype,disillusionment and capacity problems: Turkish Cypriot media and the European Union

Since the failed 2004 Annan Plan referendum, a special relationship between the Turkish Cypriot community and the EU institutions has been established. Increased unofficial contacts have paved the way for a reinforced role of sub-state actors, including Turkish Cypriot media. The role of the Turkish Cypriot media in shaping public opinion towards the EU has been largely correlated with the course of the Cyprus negotiations. Weak institutionalisation has negatively affected the influence of the local media on advancing the sui generis relationship between the Turkish Cypriot community and the European Union, as well as Europeanisation in the northern part of Cyprus. This article applies the theoretical framework of horizontal and vertical Europeanisation to explore the impact of local media on the relations between the European Union and the Turkish Cypriot community.     

Coping with Continuous Crises: The Case of Turkish Inbound Tourism

In 1889 the pioneers of the Arabian Mission – a mission under the direction of the Reformed Church in America – arrived in Arabia with the aim of Christianizing Muslims of the Najd and Arabian Peninsula. By the turn of the century, the missionaries were using medical knowledge and service as an interface for dialogue and evangelism. This article's aim is two-fold. First, it examines the history of the Arabian Mission and the history of medicine in the Gulf. Second, it explores the impact of the Americans on the Muslim communities from 1920 to 1960 by examining the experience of missionaries as well as the discourses missionaries constructed about Arabs and Arabia. It investigates how the missionaries transcend the label of cultural imperialist, and how both the function and language of the missionaries evolved as oil wealth transformed the Gulf nations of Bahrain and Kuwait. The impact the missionaries made in later years (1939–60) will be examined in the next publication of Middle Eastern Studies as a continuation of this article.     

朴槿惠政府对朝政策解析

朝鲜试射导弹和第三次核试验后,朝鲜半岛和东北亚国际关系进入新的"朝鲜半岛拥核和核威胁"时代,朝核问题成为韩国新政府面临的首个重大课题。朝鲜半岛局势动荡相对削弱了韩国对朝的战略优势,为其对朝传统政策带来诸多挑战。朴槿惠政府被迫更新政策,采取包括提升对朝一揽子"抑制力"与实施人道主义援助并行的"均衡政策"战略,推动朝鲜半岛"信任政治"进程。目前,朴槿惠政府扩大对朝拥核的国际抑制力是迫于朝核危机形势而采取的权宜之计,不会偏离信任进程的基本框架。由于国内外各种因素制约,从维护朝鲜半岛和平、安全、繁荣和统一的长期目标来看,朴槿惠政府采取对朝新政及与国际社会一道构建与朝互信是明智而"有希望"的选择。     

The Condition of the Ottoman Mine Labour and Its Impact on the Republican Period

In the Ottoman state, mining was important for the conduct of war, mints, public works, crafts industry, and financing the centralized administration system. In the republican period, mines were also important in the state's industrialization project, and they were used to subsidize the developing industries through provision of low-cost raw materials. These policies of the Ottoman and Turkish states had serious consequences for mine labour. Analysis of the Ottoman mining industry in the classical and post-classical periods, and also during the Turkish Republican period, highlights a range of emerging patterns. These include the strict control of the production by the state, the common practice of subcontracting, the role of foreign capital in the history of mining, the village-based division of labour around the mines, the use of peasant cultivator miners, the exploitation of unfree labour, the lack of investment, and traditional labour-intensive working conditions. The concept of ‘development and persistence’ is invaluable in explaining the longevity and extent of these practices stemming from historical circumstances, and we can see the persistence of some of these practices during the Republican period, despite the changes in the political regime and economic development. Throughout, the miners have been in a vulnerable position in relation to the state, exacerbated by their ambiguous peasant-miner position as wage labourers.     

Churches at War: The Impact of the First World War on the Christian Institutions of Jerusalem, 1914–20

The purpose of this article is to discuss the role and status of the Christian churches in Jerusalem from the beginning of the twentieth century until 1920 when British Military Administration of Palestine came to an end, with a particular focus on the First World War period. The first part of the article provides some historical background on a number of crucial issues: the history of the Christian churches in Jerusalem, the relationship between the churches and the Ottoman authorities, competition with the European powers for the control of the Holy Places, the Status Quo and the capitulations which were the most important political features of Christian Jerusalem until 1914. The case study of the Custody of the Holy Land explains the impact of the war on Christian institutions during and after the conflict, particularly in 1918 when the Custody rebuilt its influence in the city and on the international stage. The second part of the article focuses on the war period and the creation of the Christian–Muslim associations which, to an extent united the Arab population of the city providing a different example of the impact of the war on the Christian institutions of Palestine and Jerusalem.     

金融危机下欧洲国家经济衰退原因比较分析——以欧洲不同住房模式、住房价格变化为视角

本文所探讨的是在全球金融危机环境下,欧洲不同国家经济衰退的原因,将欧洲不同住房模式的抗压性反应与其对应的经济衰退状况进行关联研究,目的是通过实证比较研究证明,不同的住房模式对金融资产泡沫膨胀具有显性的推动或抵御的作用。更为重要的是,当金融危机已经出现后,不同住房模式的抗压反应之差异将影响到不同国家的经济衰退,同时也影响到其对应国家的金融稳定。     

Public and private higher education in South Africa in the context of the African renaissance

Abstract

This article examines the concept of higher education as a public good in relation to the currently evolving interface between public and private higher education in post‐apartheid South Africa. In order to illuminate the significance of the particular ways in which this public‐private divide is unfolding, the first part of the article sketches the history of the emergence of higher education from the South African public and private elementary and secondary education system, and reaches some conclusions about the social, political and economic considerations that drove the emergence of this dualism in the colonial era and during apartheid, and the emergent assumptions on education as a public good. Making use of Amartya Sen's thesis of development as the expansion of freedoms, the second part constitutes an examination of the manner in which the liberatory agenda of post‐apartheid education policy is shaping the current articulation between public and private higher education in South Africa. This is specifically with respect to issues of access, funding and knowledge acquisition and production. This article makes observations, not only about the consequences for development of the particular ways in which the public‐private divide is evolving and how the nature of the interface connects with issues of the public good in education, but also about the degree to which the drive for the marketisation of education is impacting on current understandings of education as a public good. In the very last section, a South African case study is used to provide broad commentary on the nature of the public‐private interface that may benefit development in the context of the African Renaissance.     

Appendix

Abstract

An unresolved controversy exists in development literature over the nature and function of the informal sector in urban areas of the Third World. The controversy revolves around the presumed relationship between the modern system of industrial production (often termed the “formal sector”) and that part of the urban economy operating outside it (the “informal sector”). The earlier view that the informal sector is a source of employment which can be realized if the linkages between the two sectors are improved through policies designed to regularize the informal sector, has been shown to be non-generalizable and even inaccurate. Increasingly, researchers have come to the conclusion that the modern industrial sector in the Third World is parasitic and detrimental to the development of the remainder of the urban economy. Their research implicitly or explicitly points out that a net transfer of value from the informal sector to the formal sector is occurring. The transfer is in the form of undervalued labor drawn from the informal sector, undervalued goods and services produced in the informal sector which are directly or indirectly consumed in the formal sector, and a transfer of the welfare burden to the informal sector. In the process, that segment of the population in a Third World city that earns a living primarily in the informal sector is moving toward a situation of increasing immiseration.     

‘The Russians are Coming,the Russians are Coming’: American Management of the Crisis Associated with Ending the October 1973 War

This article follows the last 72 hours of the October 1973 Yom Kippur War; that is, the three days from the collapse of the first ceasefire, on 23 October, until 25 October, when the United Nations Security Council Resolution 340, which ended the war, was adopted. The goal is to present and analyse the interests of the United States and how it managed its policy vis-à-vis Israel and Egypt during the ceasefire imbroglio. However, the article devotes special attention to the serious crisis with the Soviet Union that played out during those fateful hours. It stemmed from the note sent by the leader of the Soviet Union, Leonid I. Brezhnev, to US President Richard M. Nixon on 24 October. From the contents of the message, senior American decision-makers concluded that the Soviets were planning the unilateral deployment of an armed force to the Middle East. In response to this threat, these officials decided to raise the state of alert of the American armed forces to Level 3. The main conclusion of the research, however, is that no real Soviet threat existed. On the contrary, the Soviet Union was interested in preserving détente and in continuing to cooperate with the United States in order to put an end to the violence in the Middle East.