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This article examines the use of North Korean defectors’ accounts as a source of information for studying the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Information from defectors fills a vital knowledge gap and improves our understanding of North Korean politics, economics, and society. Witness accounts and interview data collected from people who were born in North Korea but have since left have been widely used by journalists, government agencies, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and academics. There are, however, serious methodological issues in collecting, organizing, and interpreting information derived from defectors’ accounts. Selection and demographic biases, power relations between researchers and interviewees, monetary incentives, and language barriers are among those issues. We propose focus group discussions and participatory observation as complementary methods of data collection to mitigate the shortfalls of relying on individual interviews.  相似文献   

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Black Box: KAL 007 and the Superpowers. By Alexander Dallin. Berkeley and London. University of California Press. $14.95.

KAL 007: The Hidden Story. By Oliver Clubb. Sag Harbour, NY. The Permanent Press. $16.95.

Shootdown. The Verdict on 007. By R. W. Johnson. London. Chatto &; Windus. £10.95.

"The Target is Destroyed.” What really happened to Flight 007. By Seymour Hersh. London. Faber and Faber. £9.95  相似文献   

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John Harrison 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):220-237
Global cities are almost by definition somewhat detached from their geographical hinterlands. Cosmopolitan and modern, they are open to external influences from other cultures and from overseas trade. But they are also vulnerable to the rise of nationalism in the country which surrounds them, as is shown by the fate of three famous cities of the Levant, Alexandria, Smyrna and Beirut. They were multicultural trading cities, linking the economies of Europe and Asia, “windows on the world”, in contrast to inland capitals like Cairo Ankara and Damascus. New global cities like London, Hong Kong and Dubai also have hybrid and polyglot inhabitants, like Levantine cities of bygone days. But they will need support if their cosmopolitanism is to prevail over nationalism.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯对朝鲜半岛政策评述   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文从分析俄联邦外交政策构想入手,考察俄对朝鲜半岛政策的理论框架,通过分析俄在朝鲜半岛的外交实践,勾画出俄对朝鲜半岛政策的基本轮廓,最后探讨俄对朝鲜半岛政策的影响及其未来走向.  相似文献   

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David Zweig 《East Asia》1989,8(3):62-82
This report provides reflections on a one-week visit to North Korea in April 1989 by a China scholar who lived in Maoist China. It draws on meetings with American and Chinese specialists on Korea, and with North Korea scholars and Party officials. It compares Kim’s North Korea with Mao’s China in terms of agriculture, policy towards education and intellectuals, and the Cult of Personality; it discusses apparent tentative stpes in the North towards openness and reform, but recognizes the dilemma of understanding complicated forces for the against reform in such a short visit. Finally, the report outlines discussions with North Korea international relations specialists and a member of the Secretariat of the Korean Worker’s Party which welcomed the end of the cold war and improved Sino-U.S., U.S.-Soviet, and Sino-Soviet relations as favorable for peace in the region and Korean reunification. He is author ofAgrarian Radicalism in China, 1968–1981 (Harvard University Press, 1989).  相似文献   

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张国强 《当代韩国》2010,(4):96-106
本文以中国的"还坛神"和韩国的"东海岸别神祭"为主要研究对象,对中韩两国仪式剧进行比较,寻求其普遍性和特殊性。从演出形态来看,中韩仪式剧主要集中在仪式的娱神酬神阶段演出,其基本形态是祭夹戏;但中国仪式剧较多的是以戏代祭,韩国仪式剧一般是先祭后戏。从艺术品格来看,二者具有拙朴、风趣、即兴的艺术品格,均包含了一些游戏的特质。但中国仪式剧较多的具备戏曲萌芽的特征,韩国仪式剧较多的具备原始演剧的特征。  相似文献   

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李雪涛 《当代韩国》2010,(3):99-113
1899年福兰阁在上海德国总领馆任翻译期间,曾到朝鲜做了为期一个多月的旅行,对当地的风土人情以及当时的政局都做了比较详细的记录和说明。本文首次以这些日记为依据,对福兰阁对朝鲜的认识做了梳理,并进行了初步分析。  相似文献   

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Abstract

As Noam Chomsky has pointed out, press accounts about the non-western world, in particular Cambodia, are often as interesting for themselves, as “works of art,” as for information about conditions within the country concerned. For over three years the mainstream western press generally treated the regime of “Democratic Kampuchea” (DK) and its leader, Pol Pot, as very nearly the worst known to human history; and calls for intervention to displace them were heard even from usually responsible quarters. Yet when they finally were displaced, following a war largely provoked by their own actions, and by a polity whose record on human rights had always seemed much better, not only was little rejoicing heard, but the remnants of the DK regime became recipients of recognition and support by the powers who had cried out most loudly against them. Clearly concern with human rights or atrocities was of secondary importance to considerations of international power politics; and if no one was willing to suddenly declare Pol Pot a bulwark of the Free World against Godless Communism, the atrocities over which he had presided tended to be implicitly forgiven as his role in an anti-Vietnamese coalition was emphasized.  相似文献   

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韩中两国均对教育实践十分重视,不少高校一面注重提升教学质量,一面也开设企业充实财政。然而,两国高校企业的侧重点却迥然不同。韩国高校注重校办企业的教育功能,而中国方面则把重点放在营利上。这种差异导致两国高校企业在法律适用、方法分类、经营成果等方面呈现巨大差异。韩国校办企业遵循产业教育振兴及产学合作促进方面的法律,企业预算也与学校预算紧密相连。与此相反,中国校办企业遵循的是公司法、会计法等一般性法律,以及国有资产法、事业单位及事业单位所办企业国有资产产权登记管理办法等国有资产管理相关法律。有趣的是,中国一些校办企业也出现了只有在政府与国有企业之间才会出现的政企不分现象。  相似文献   

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本文从整体上考察了90年代以来中国对朝鲜半岛研究的基本状况,探讨了中国朝鲜半岛研究在研究目的、研究对象、研究内容、研究方法和研究队伍等各个方面的演化过程,同时提出了目前中国朝鲜半岛研究事业迫切需要解决的一些问题.  相似文献   

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In Korea, 1935     
G. V. Hett 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):236-250
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在应对处理朝鲜半岛危机中,美国一直扮演着一个关键的角色。奥巴马上台后,朝鲜半岛危机出现了急剧的变化,这也让人们对奥巴马政府的对朝政策更加关注。实际上,在2009年春美国国务卿希拉里访问亚洲后,奥巴马政府的对朝政策就产生了很大的变化。朝鲜半岛不断升级的紧张局势,使得美国有机会重振其世界领袖的雄风,重新确立美日韩在东亚的铁三角同盟关系,并通过不断的联合军事演习对朝鲜施加了除军事动武以外的巨大压力,同时也侧面敲击和缓解了中国力量在亚太地区伸展的势头。奥巴马的外交理念是做一个实际的理想主义者和一个有理想的现实主义者,其对朝政策的核心策略就是软的更软,硬的更硬,以硬逼软。  相似文献   

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Atrocities committed by American soldiers against Vietnamese civilians during the Vietnam War have once again become an issue of public debate in the United States, yet similar actions by South Korean troops fighting America's war in Vietnam remain virtually unknown in the West. The Republic of Korea (ROK) dispatched more than 300,000 combat troops to Vietnam between 1965 and 1973, but after decades of enforced silence by successive authoritarian governments, Koreans have only recently begun to grapple with the ambiguous legacy of the Vietnam War for South Korea. In the spring and summer of 2000, testimonies in the South Korean media by Korean veterans of the Vietnam War revealed for the first time detailed, extensive accounts of Korean atrocities against Vietnamese civilians. These revelations, and the controversy they triggered within South Korea, bring into bold relief the role of Koreans in America's Vietnam War and the role of the Vietnam War in the political and economic development of South Korea.  相似文献   

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This article analyzes the process of financial liberalization in South Korea from the perspective of financial globalization through an international political economic approach. Korean financial liberalization has been highly influenced by the outside pressure of the United States, the OECD and the IMF, as well as by the big business conglomerates (chaebols), as a powerful domestic interest group. In a broad perspective, South Korea's entrance into the OECD, the Financial Services Agreement under the WTO and the Structural Adjustment Program of the IMF after the 1997 financial crisis were important moments for Korea's financial reforms. There are two viewpoints on the causes of the Korean financial crisis. From a domestic viewpoint, South Korea had a weak financial market system and its financial liberalization process was too premature to create a stable financial market when Korea met the financial crisis. In a globalization perspective, financial globalization intrinsically encourages uncontrollable short-term financial capital flows across borders, thus financial crisis is inevitable regardless of a strong or weak domestic financial system. This article compares these two viewpoints in the case of South Korea.  相似文献   

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韩国小城市发展的经验   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
20世纪70年代,韩国政府进行的"新村运动"实际是一场由政府发起的,以缩小城乡差距、改造农村、造福农民为目的,以开展改善农民生产生活条件的村庄建设项目;同时也是一项提升农民文明素质的思想教育,物质文明建设与伦理精神教育互动的农村现代化建设运动。就是说,新村运动是一项提升农村基础环境与农民素质的政策措施。而笔者所提到的"农村工业化"是一项以缩小城乡收入差距、贫富差距、社区差距的经济为载体的农村经济发展上的措施。虽然这两种措施都取得了很好的效果,但韩国农村地区还是存在城乡之间的收入、教育、社区发展上的差距。更严重的问题是,最近农村人口的老龄化和农村空洞化现象也日趋严重,为了突破这些农村问题,政府制订了农村定住生活圈计划。本文将解释与探讨韩国农村定住生活圈计划的内容,并进一步讨论与借鉴韩国农村发展战略的最终目标。  相似文献   

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