Tradition and modernity: Alevis' ambiguous terms and Turkey's ambivalent subjects

Israel has very limited indigenous hydrocarbon resources and is located next to the energy-rich Persian Gulf region. This study is divided into two parts. The first part profiles Israel's energy outlook. Specifically, it examine the country's oil and natural gas exploration and potential. The second part discusses the seemingly successful negotiations to export natural gas from Egypt to Israel. This is followed by an analysis of the efforts to export Iraqi oil via Israel (the Mosul–Haifa pipeline) and the attempt to revive the scheme in the aftermath of the 2003 war in Iraq. Finally, the article examines the short-lived experience in exporting Iranian oil to Israel under the Shah and the current status of the Trans-Israel pipeline. The study suggests that regional energy cooperation would benefit all parties and international energy markets. However, such cooperation is unlikely in the near future.     

Der Effekt des Haushalts auf die Beteiligungsdisposition

The influence of the primary environment on the willingness to participate in elections or votes is undisputed. However, previous research on this was mainly based on experimental or survey data that exhibit systematic measurement errors (overreporting) or refer only to individual election dates. The aim of this study is therefore to obtain a more precise estimate of the household's basic participation disposition that is unbiased by random or systematic errors. This is possible thanks to official complete survey data on 18 different ballots in about a dozen St. Gallen municipalities. The corresponding analysis shows that the lion's share of individual willingness to participate varies at the household level.     

Oil Funds: Perils and Opportunities

Soaring oil prices since the early 2000s has led to a historic transformation of wealth from consuming regions to major oil exporters. In recent years many of these exporters have set up oil funds to utilize their massive and growing oil revenues. These funds are divided into two categories – stabilization and saving funds. Their large investments in Western markets have raised concern that they might be driven by political and strategic interests rather than commercial concerns. This study examines oil funds in the Persian Gulf. It discusses US and European proposals to regulate oil fund investments and argue against excessive regulation.     

当前泰国人的中国观

本文是对泰国450位各类人员进行问卷调查后写出的一篇调查报告,目的是了解泰国人对中国的看法.调查结果发现,泰国人对中国的看法基本上是正面的,但也反映出值得中国认真注意的一些负面看法.例如泰国人仍在很大程度上对中国不信任;对中国国内某些社会问题表示担忧;对中国人的文明行为评价较低;对中国的对泰政策表示不满,认为中国不够重视泰国,中国在中泰自由贸易中占了便宜.调查报告对这些问题进行了分析,并提出了一些看法和建议.     

GENERAL

This article seeks to evaluate the impact of India and China on world energy markets by setting their future energy demands, principally for coal and oil, in the context of their domestic supply potential. After examining their approach to energy efficiency, the author concentrates on their energy diplomacy and the way in which they have sought to enhance their security of supply by targeting exporting countries, often those with a somewhat fraught relationship with the west. He concludes that it is in their interest to further strengthen their co-operation and avoid competition which simply drives up the price they pay for oil.     

Anarchy, State, and Dystopia: Venezuelan Economic Institutions before the Advent of Oil

This article studies the evolution of Venezuelan economic institutions before the emergence of oil exploitation in 1920. We argue that, by 1920, Venezuela had developed a highly centralised state and a professionalised military. These two institutions ensured that growing oil revenues would strengthen the state structure and protected Venezuela from the resource-conflict trap into which many oil-abundant countries have fallen. We also argue that the failure to develop institutions that could mediate between sectoral demands and the state, the subordination of property rights to political imperatives and the political dominance of the commercial-financial elite conditioned the nation's response to the post-1920 influx of oil revenues.     

When Oil Prices were Low: Petroleos de Venezuela (PdVSA) and Economic Policy-making in Venezuela since 1989

Abstract — There has been a considerable literature on the role of institutions in economic performance in general, in Latin America as a whole, and in Venezuela in particular. Venezuelan state institutions have been seen as highly patrimonialist and poorly performing, despite the advantages of long-standing democracy and large-scale resource wealth. This discussion calls attention to the highly significant 'special case' of the oil sector where the state company, PdVSA, has been bureaucratically autonomous and relatively efficient. Such a situation creates rather unusual policy-making problems given the fact that the economy is structured around oil income, in many respects to its disadvantage. There has been a considerable literature on economic policy reform in Venezuela which has hardly mentioned the oil sector at all. This article discusses the oil industry under Presidents Perez (1989–93) and Caldera (since 1994) to rectify the balance and to use insights derived from the study of the oil sector to offer some fresh perspectives on Venezuelan political history since 1989.     

Oil pollution and water conflicts in the riverine communities in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region: challenges for and elements of problem-solving strategies

ABSTRACT

In Nigeria’s Niger Delta, oil pollution has significantly harmed the natural environment on which the local people in the Niger Delta depend for their livelihood and sustenance. The direct consequence of oil pollution is that it has led to multidimensional and protracted conflicts in oil-bearing communities. Drawing on fieldwork data, this article examines the ways in which oil pollution harms water resources and fuels conflicts in the local communities. It explores the socio-economic dynamics of the conflicts and insecurity, and how they are aggravated by the ineffectiveness of the measures adopted by the state to manage the conflicts. It argues that the role of local actors in the ecological dislocation have been downplayed and not factored into the measures devised to tackle the intractable conflicts. This article demonstrates how the network of interactions among localised, national and globalised actors aggravate environmental pollution and the complex conflicts in local communities.     

China and the Worldwide Search for Oil Security

The notion of oil security on a global scale is problematic because of the diverging perspectives with which oil-importing countries and oil-exporting countries view energy security. Oil-importing countries are interested in “oil supply” while oil-exporting countries focus on “oil demand.” This leaves ample space for major powers to maneuver within the complex political-economic dynamics associated with oil trade. China has been no exception.

This commentary addresses the international debate that has emerged concerning the geo-strategic and geo-economic motivations behind China's pursuit of offshore oil supply. By examining China's oil-related overseas investments in Sudan we shed light on some of the business and political complexities associated with the China-Sudan relationship. In the view of many Chinese observers, Sudan has in terms of oil exploration been a Chinese success story while in the view of many foreign observers, China's dealings in Sudan are the very reason why China has faced harsh international criticism of its overseas oil operations.

Instead of debating whether or not China has the right, just as all oil-importing countries do, to pursue its own route to oil security we encourage oil-importing countries to re-examine the existing mechanisms of oil trade. It is in the interest of China as well as the established economies to collaborate in shaping a new global structure for oil trade.     

Oil Politics and Tribal Rulers in Eastern Arabia: The Reign of Shakhbut (1928–1966)

This paper examines one of the least known chapters of Middle Eastern history, that of Abu Dhabi before the discovery of oil. It reassesses the reign of Shakhbut bin Sultan al-Nuhayyan (1928–1966), which has been of little interest to scholars. This article's analysis has two strands. First, it examines the nature of the emirate of Abu Dhabi before the advent of oil, and in doing so looks at the complexity of tribe–state relations. Based on a kind of modus vivendi with the tribes, Shakhbut's Abu Dhabi provides some clear examples of how remote areas of tribal societies were administered. The second part of the analysis concerns developments in the 1960s, in particular the discovery of oil in Abu Dhabi and the British decision to withdraw from the Gulf and end British protection of the sheikdom and other Trucial States. These profound changes overwhelmed Shaykh Shakhbut and caused his tribal state to lose its vitality. A particular emphasis is given to the anomalous relationship between Shaykhbut and the British authorities, brought about by the changing circumstances, that eventually led to his removal from power.     

China’s Oil Venture in Africa

Oil has long been viewed as a strategic resource for nations. China is now the world’s second largest oil-consuming country after the U.S.. Its global efforts to secure oil imports to meet increasing domestic demand have profound implications for international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. China’s rising oil demand and its external quest for oil have thus generated much attention. As China’s overseas oil quest intensifies, will China clash with the U.S. and other western countries’ interests in Africa, and how dose it look at this rivalry? Will China disrupt the U.S. and its allies’ foreign policy and the world order? This article tries to provide an overview of China’s initiatives in developing oil in Africa. It examines factors for Chinese oil companies going to Africa and China’s oil strategy there. Finally, it argues that even though China’s practices of energy diplomacy in Africa seem to undermine U.S. goals of isolating or punishing “rogue states”, contrary to those pessimistic views, China has largely accommodated the U.S. and is willing to forge joint efforts with the U.S. in energy exploration in Africa.     

Bargain and Barter: China's Oil Trade with Iran

The US withdrawal from the nuclear deal and its ratcheting up of sanctions aimed to cut Iran's oil revenues virtually to zero by reducing trade between Tehran and its top foreign customers, especially China. This article examines the dynamics of the Sino-Iranian oil business and finds that the Chinese have never terminated their imports; instead, when Beijing cannot deal with Tehran directly, it continues the flow through subterranean methods. This practice holds some benefits for both sides, but the Iranian economy has become highly dependent on bartering with the East Asian power: exporting crude and receiving part of the revenues in Chinese goods and services. The two countries have vowed to keep up the oil trade, as sanctions have led Iran toward a growing economic and technological orientation toward the East.     

Central Asia and Xinjiang,China: Emerging energy,economic and ethnic relations

On an energy‐equivalent basis Central Asia is predominantly a gas producing region, with Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan contributing substantially to the regional total. Kazakhstan is the primary oil producer in the region. Xinjiang, one of the poorest areas of China, is noted for its vast oil, gas and coal resources, though still largely undeveloped. As a means of facilitating economic development and prosperity in Central Asia and nearby Xinjiang, officials are promoting trade and investment among the countries in the region. This paper examines emerging economic relations within Central Asia and Xinjiang, with a focus on the lucrative oil and gas sectors. Importantly, the cooperation is being influenced by centuries‐old cultural and ethnic ties.     

A crude marriage: Iraq,Turkey, and the Kirkuk–Ceyhan oil pipeline

Since the discovery of oil at Kirkuk in northern Iraq, oil has shaped relations between Iraq and Turkey, as the former needed markets and export routes to the Mediterranean and the latter reliable sources of supply. This article examines the origins of the Kirkuk–Ceyhan oil pipeline from northern Iraq to the Turkish Mediterranean coast, charting the period of Iraqi–Turkish economic rapprochement in the 1960s to the construction of the pipeline in the 1970s. It also seeks to add to our collective understanding of why transnational oil pipelines in the Middle East succeed or fail by examining the pipeline's operational record.     

Iraq's oil war in the USA during the October 1973 War

While the October 1973 War has been studied from many angles, the Iraqi–American perspective has never been fully investigated. During this war the Ba^cth regime in Iraq felt compelled not only to send forces to the front, but also to harm American oil interests. As Washington was trying to mitigate the militant situation and prevent the imposition of an oil embargo, Baghdad continuously adopted a confrontational anti-American, anti-Israeli stance. This article uncovers evidence to show that while the Ba^cth regime did indeed attack American interests, it only did so in ways that would not endanger Iraqi stability and economic interests. The article is based mainly on US National Archives documents, as well as on Iraqi sources.     

The Dead Hand of the Treasury: The Economic and Social Development of the Trucial States, 1948–60

This paper addresses an aspect of British policy in the Trucial States that has received scant scholarly attention. It examines British attempts to promote economic and social development in the Trucial States, and places this policy within the context of British attitudes towards the economic development of the colonial empire. During the 1950s Britain's interest in the Arabian Peninsula expanded, in notable contrast with the rest of the Middle East. One aspect of this expanded role was British efforts to improve the economic and social conditions prior to the discovery of oil in Abu Dhabi in 1958. British officials on the ground were concerned to improve the lot of the population of these impoverished shaikhdoms for a combination of political and strategic and ethical reasons. This article shows that attempts to introduce a modicum of economic and social development in the Trucial States were hindered by the Treasury's refusal to provide adequate funds, and because of inherent problems in finding suitable development projects. Nonetheless, the plans put in place during the 1950s did provide the foundations for subsequent development programmes, which, in turn, drastically expanded as a result of oil wealth.     

Energy and security in the Gulf of Guinea: a Nigerian perspective

This article explores the full ramifications of the evolving strategic environment in the Gulf of Guinea. It argues that the ‘new scramble’ or ‘oil rush’ in the region since its emergence as a critical energy repository and a strategic supplier to the global oil markets has elicited multiple lines of interest represented by both state and non-state actors. By delving into Nigeria's oil-rich context, this paper explores the fierce competition for influence ushered in by these developments, the contested notion of ‘security’ and ‘sovereignty’, and the emergent patterns of contestations as the Nigerian state mediates between global and local forces in its oil complex. Finally, it brings into bold relief the complexities of the intensified struggle for access to the region's vast energy resources — the current global economic downturn notwithstanding — and the challenge it poses to the region, and particularly to Nigeria, the dominant player in the region.     

The political aspirations of Indian Muslims and the Ottoman nexus

This article introduces the story of Yusuf al-Marzuk (1895–1957), a Kuwaiti merchant who created a thriving network in the Arabian/Persian Gulf and India. This network was part of the vast, undocumented activities of Kuwaiti merchants. They were uncovered by rare British reports. Yusuf's economic power enabled him to participate in the struggle of Kuwaiti elites to achieve political power vis-à-vis the Kuwaiti rulers, the Sabah family. This article demonstrates the importance of the trading networks with respect to the economic and political developments that shaped the region before the relatively well researched oil period.     

上海合作组织与中国的石油战略

本文拟针对对中国的能源消费特别是石油消费的现状 ,分析上海合作组织对中国石油战略的重大意义 ,并进而探讨中国的石油战略。     

Oil's Colonial Residues: Geopolitics,Identity, and Resistance in Venezuela

This article argues oil occupies a central role in the discursive universe of Venezuelan underdevelopment, producing anxieties of vulnerability and dependency. These anxieties are internalised and reproduced in what I describe as the coloniality of oil. Coloniality naturalises, hides, and rewrites maldevelopment – a process in which the developed world stymies growth elsewhere through the machinations of hard or soft power – as underdevelopment – a neutral category suggesting the developing world need only to catch up to the North Atlantic. Animated by the formation of new political subjectivities, the Bolivarian Revolution has attempted to break with this coloniality of oil.