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Li Xing 《East Asia》1996,15(4):49-64
The article explains the true conflicts behind Sino-Western confrontations in the post-Cold War era. It analyses Sino-Western conflicts from a variety of perspectives. The main argument, as well as conclusion of this article, is that the problems in China-Western relations, especially in Sino-U.S. relations, are not democracy or human rights per se, but China’s emerging power and its challenge to the established rules and structures of the international system. The accommodation of China, trade and weapon technology issues are more important than China’s human rights. Promotion of democracy and human rights is a utility to counter the Chinese challenge and threat.  相似文献   

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Atomic Thunder. The Maralinga Story. By Elizabeth Tynan (Sydney: NewSouth Publishing, 2016), pp.xv + 373, AU$34.99 (pb).  相似文献   

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When Britain Saved the West: The Story of 1940. By Robin Prior (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2015), pp.xxi + 335. AU$55.00 (cloth), distributed in Australia by Footprint Books.  相似文献   

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Scholars and officials persistently criticize China for low transparency in its military affairs. Why does Beijing exacerbate the asymmetric information problem, even though this theoretically increases the likelihood of conflict? I offer an explanation, the vulnerability hypothesis, for why rising powers are likely to reject military transparency and the conditions under which this may change. By evaluating over 100 authoritative Chinese sources, I identify four threads of Chinese strategic thinking consistent with the vulnerability hypothesis: the United States is inherently dangerous as a declining hegemon, transparency heightens the risk of war during power transitions, transparency grants operational advantages to the opponent, and only the strong can leverage transparency to enhance deterrence. These findings have implications for power transition theory and US–China military relations.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(4):623-626
This paper discusses the factors that resulted in the formation of the short-lived Socialist Republican Party (SRP0 in December 1951, with emphasis on the Sudan government's role in its formation. Rivalry between the Khatmiyya and the Ansar was a strong factor in the formation of the party. The Sudan government hoped that the party would develop into a centre party representing the people of the Sudan and that would enlist the support of the Khatmiyya. The paper argues that this movement was too late as the political map of the Sudan had by then been drawn and there was no chance of success for the SRP in the circumstances. The formation of the SRP indicates a crisis of government; the Sudan government's frustration and despair led to the formation of the party. This is evident in the British documents and the private papers of the civil servants of the Sudan government which, in addition to the papers of the SRP, are the main source of this paper.  相似文献   

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王希 《美国研究》2002,16(2):121-129
自从独立时期帕特里克·亨利呼出"不自由,毋宁死"的口号,"自由"就成了美国的灵魂.纵观美国历史上的国会辩论、总统演说、法院判例、外交文件、各种社会运动和改革的主张、乃至当今反政府的白人民兵组织的网页,"自由"一词无处不在.即便在日常生活中,"自由"也与美国人形影不离:中小学生每日必宣誓效忠"自由",体育比赛前观众必高唱国歌赞颂"自由之疆",大小美元硬币上均刻有"自由"(liberty),以"自由"为名的地名遍布全国.①至少从表面上来看,美国人对"自由"的钟爱已经达到了一种近似于偏执的程度.然而,当"自由"一词无所不能、无所不为、无人不用的时候,它也就失去了公认的定义,变成了一个令人困惑的概念.在众多的自由语言中,到底什么是真正的美国自由,也因而成为一个极负挑战意味的问题.正因为如此,埃里克·方纳(Eric Foner)的近作《美国自由的故事》(以下简称《自由故事》)便具有了格外重要的意义.  相似文献   

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