Review

Abstract

The IWGIA has drawn from a variety of sources, and most important of all, from personal accounts to bring out this volume on a very ill-served group among the indigenous peoples in the world—the Nagas living on the border of India and Burma. Writings of British political agents, missionaries, and anthropologists, documents brought out by the parallel national government, and human rights pamphlets and publications give a fairly in-depth understanding of the history of these peoples and their struggle against British colonial domination and postindependence India. Even by the end of the nineteenth century, the British had been able to control only a very small part of Naga areas. Currently, the Nagas live as minorities in several northeastern states of India because of the political and administrative division of this area beyond Bangladesh. The larger group of them live on the Burmese side of the McMahon Line. In the early 1960s the state of Nagaland was carved out in India, but it included only fourteen of the more than thirty Naga tribes living in a contiguous territory.     

President Roosevelt,Admiral Stark,and the Unsent Warning to Pearl Harbor: A Research Note

Admiral Harold R. Stark (1880–1972) was appointed Chief of Naval Operations in August 1939 and served in that role until removed in March 1942. It was on his watch that the Japanese raided Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. Nowadays the prevailing view of Stark seems to be largely shaped by the official verdict of the Secretary of the Navy, James V. Forrestal, namely that “Admiral Harold R. Stark, USN (Retired), shall not hold any position in the United States Navy which requires the exercise of superior judgment”. Our very different view is that Stark was a patriot who willingly sacrificed his reputation to preserve that of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and to enable him, as the one person capable of leading the Allies to victory in war against Nazi Germany, to assume his proper mantle.     

武田泰淳的中国战争经历与战争反思

武田泰淳是日本现代文学史上著名的战后派作家,二战期间作为辎重兵参加了日军的侵华战争。武田泰淳根据自己的战争经历创作了多部战争题材小说,同时还写下了大量的战地纪行、日记和信札,在一定程度上揭露了日军侵华的暴行,并对侵华战争进行了较为深入的反思。通过研究武田泰淳的中国战争经历和战地作品,可以窥视以武田泰淳为代表的日本知识分子战争前后对华态度的转变以及对侵华战争的反思。     

日本智库对中国崛起的研究

日本智库在对华决策方面发挥着重要作用,目前日本智库对于中国崛起的研究较多。多数日本智库看好中国崛起的前景,认为中国崛起在经济上给日本带来了许多机遇,同时也提出了在军事和战略上的各种隐忧。他们认为应加强同中国的交流与合作,抓住中国崛起带来的各种机遇,另一方面也要针对中国崛起可能带来的威胁加强防范。     

满铁与“九·一八”事变

满铁是近代日本设在中国最大的"国策会社"。从其成立到解体,满铁始终在日本对华进行侵略和大陆扩张政策中发挥着重要作用。"九·一八"事变爆发后,满铁彻底撕下了企业的招牌,自动投入到关东军的麾下,成为关东军的左膀右臂,在日本对华侵略战中发挥着不可替代的作用。"九·一八"事变中,满铁充当了关东军的总后勤部、兵站基地、情报部,整个事变过程中起到了极为重要的作用。     

Commonwealth Diplomacy and the End of Apartheid

This article recounts the struggle that those fighting for an end to apartheid in South Africa faced and the role that the Commonwealth played in that struggle. The author recounts the contribution of the Whitlam, Fraser and Hawke administrations in Australia in bringing down the apartheid regime but stresses that these leaders chose the Commonwealth as their primary vehicle for change. In the author’s view, the fight against apartheid was, arguably, the finest achievement of the modern Commonwealth.     

依靠美国：日本解决领土纠纷问题之路——原贵美惠对东北亚领土纠纷问题的主要观点

自称日本＂海外＂学者原贵美惠近几年发表了许多有关东亚领土纠纷问题研究成果,引起学界关注。作者提出东亚地区领土纠纷问题出现,都与美国战后主导《旧金山对日媾和条约》有关,是美国设置于有关国家之间的＂楔子＂,便于美国实施未来亚太战略。关于东亚领土纠纷问题如何解决,作者提出采用奥兰群岛模式,在多国框架内解决等。笔者认为,原贵美惠的研究成果确实比较新异,但并未脱离日本学者局限,依靠美国解决日本与周边国家间领土纠纷,是日本朝野上下的共同选择。     

Thinking strategically: Japan after the Cold War

How should the Japanese think about their security now the cold War is over? What if the US pulled out of East Asia? Robyn Lim, professor of international relations at Hiroshima Shudo University, suggests that Japan badly needs a mature debate about strategic issues. It would be a dangerous delusion, she says, to think that Japan could use its economic strength to achieve strategic security. Without the protection that alliances provide, the world can be a cruel place in which security can deteriorate overnight. Delusions held by both left and right in Japan risk fostering the belief in the US that the Japanese people are incapable of accepting any responsibility for themselves, and so are not worth defending.     

Leathernecks in North China, 1945

Abstract

The decisive phase of the Chinese Civil War is said to have begun during the summer of 1946, hardly a year after the Japanese surrender and about six months after General George Marshall went to China to assist the Kuomintang and the communists in negotiating toward a peaceful settlement of their conflict. The failure of the Marshall Mission and the subsequent communist victory is often seen as America’s failure–the failure of liberal democracy to provide an alternative to communism and revolution and the failure of the American war aim–to establish lasting peace and stability in Asia. But even before Marshall’s arrival in China, the united States had actively intervened on behalf of the Kuomintang and undermined possibilities for a negotiated political settlement in China.     

By fair means. Radsport,Bergsport und das Problem der normativen Regulierung des Handelns

Public opinion and the majority of the specialized literature tend to be skeptical about the chances of fighting against doping in competitive sports. This pessimistic view is justified by the development in most high-performance disciplines. But there are notable exceptions which are not only drug free but go far beyond the minimum permitted by institutions. High-altitude mountaineering is one of them. This study will explain this exceptional position of mountaineering in comparison with a sports discipline which is considered as one of the most drug-loaded: cycling. It is argued that a stricter regulation in mountaineering is the result of the maintenance of open spaces for normative innovations. Performance can be made visible not only by norm-standard cuts but also by an increase of the norms. Basically, each sports discipline has a normative self-regulatory potential. This remains mostly unused because of the closed spaces for normative innovations. A fateful role in doing so is played by the doping ban itself.     

Communications: Exchange on the Philippines

Abstract

In the December 1973 issue you printed an article by Ms. Luzviminda Francisco in which she attempted to sketch in the “nature of America's policy of aggression, the depth of popular mass resistance to the American forces and the duration of the struggle….” (p. 3) in order to move against “Filipino false consciousness” (p. 2) of the American connection in the history of the Philippines. It is a brief survey and rather well done, although one may quibble about the relationship of excesses (what a tame word compared to the record she presents!) of war and the nature of imperialism as well as implying that there was a “nation,” a “Philippine society,” or a “national struggle” (p. 3) before the late 19th century, at the earliest.     

Kamikazefication and Japan's wartime ideology

Abstract

A number of recent works have focused on the personal experiences of kamikaze pilots, but very little has been published in English on the Japanese government's effort to “kamikazefy” the civilian population in the final year of the Asian PacificWar (1937-45). To illustrate this effort, this article employs images taken from the author's personal collection of over 2,500 Japanese wartime publications (predominantly periodicals). In early 1945, the Japanese government announced a “fight to the death for the home islands,” in which civilian “home-front warriors” would fight alongside troops in the event of an Allied invasion. Civilian combatants were expected to follow the “no surrender” policy hammered into Japanese servicemen and to emulate the kamikaze pilots' spirit of supreme sacrifice. The article begins with a brief discussion of the ideology behind kamikazefication, inviting comparisons with suicide missions in other times and places. Historical context is further established by an overview of media accounts of Japanese suicide missions in the Asian PacificWar, beginning with the mission carried out at Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. An analysis of media reportage shows how members of suicide missions were glorified and made into role models for all Japanese, even women and children. Servicemen who died for their country were enshrined at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo. The article concludes by suggesting reasons why civilians, even those who died fighting in the war, have not been similarly honored.     

Learning the Ropes: The Young Turk Perception of the 1905 Russian Revolution

This article analyses the topoi of the Young Turk reading of the 1905 Russian Revolution. It argues that the Young Turks considered the 1905 Revolution as a victory against autocratic regimes and as an edificatory example for the Ottoman constitutionalists. This example provided the Young Turks with a mirror in which they saw a model of revolution from below. As such, in addition to encouraging the Young Turks to formulate and re-assess their methods and means of establishing a constitutional regime in the Ottoman Empire, the 1905 Revolution helped them to transform their initially intellectual movement to an effectual political one.     

Dulles’s second visit to Japan: The Tokyo talks of 1951

In January–February 1951, intensive negotiations were conducted in Tokyo between the Japanese and American governments about Japan’s roles in American strategy in Asia. The United States expected Japan to play two vital roles in the cold war. The first was that Japan could act as a potential offensive base from which to mount warfare against Soviet Russia and communist. China. the second was that Japan would serve as a supplementary balancer in the maintenance of the balance of power in Northeast Asia through the reactivation of her defense forces. This article, examining the Japanese government’s preparations for the Tokyo talks, discusses Japanese-American negotiations on a bilateral base arrangement and rearmament. It is argued that, although the United States succeeded in securing Japan as a major strategic base in the cold war by obtaining Japanese agreement to the U.S. proposal for stationing requirements for post-treaty American bases and troops, it failed in having Japan accept a U.S. plan for the revitalization of Japanese power because of the Japanese government’s reservation about rearmament.     

The Bedouins in the Galilee in the War of Independence of Israel 1948–1950

The relations of the Bedouins with the Jewish population during the War of Independence were very complex. The Bedouins were both opponents and friends. Bedouin groups helped the Jews in their struggle against the Palestinian national movement and against the Arab armies like Arab-al-Hib. Before the foundation of the state, these Bedouins had already participated in the protection of the security of the Jewish population. They supplied intelligence on events of the Arab and Palestinian sides, and also fought by the side of the Jews in the War of Independence, but at that time other groups joined the Palestinian national movement and took part in the struggle against the Jewish population, more so after the declaration of the partition plan in the United Nations. Subsequently, Bedouin fighting gangs were established and they joined the Palestinian struggle with the Jewish population.

The Bedouin positions during the war had implications for their fate in the State of Israel. The War of Independence allowed a significant part of the Bedouin tribes to escape to the neighbouring Arab states – Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. Many of the Bedouin tribes that escaped did so as they were connected with fighting with the Arab gangs and the Arab Liberation Army. The Bedouins who were in the Zionist camp during the war or who adopted a neutral position stayed in the territory of the borders of the State of Israel.     

中国人眼中的日本和平运动——以《人民日报》的报道为中心

本文以中共中央机关报《人民日报》对日本和平运动的相关报道为中心,介绍了中华人民共和国成立以来中国人对日本和平运动从积极声援到实际支援,经文革前期批判日共宫本显治集团所领导的和平运动,支持日本人民的反美斗争,以及中日复交后近十年对日本和平运动的漠视,再到重新关注和研究日本和平运动的发展演变历程,总结了各个阶段中国人的日本和平运动观的特点,分析了目前日本和平运动未能引起中国人共感的主要原因。     

近二十年来国内学界的东北抗联研究

中国共产党领导的东北抗日联军及其在东北地区开展的对日斗争活动是中国抗战力量的重要组成部分,也是中华民族抗击日本法西斯侵略的坚定意志的体现。长期以来,对于东北抗联的研究是中国学界有关抗战研究的重要课题之一。特别是近二十年以来,相关研究不断拓宽和深入,形成了多个研究较为集中的领域,在长期的研究过程中涌现出了一大批有价值的成果。这些研究成果充分佐证了中国共产党从组织策划,宣传动员到武装斗争等方面领导了东北抗日联军,从而为"中国共产党在抗日战争中发挥了中流砥柱作用"作了有力注脚;同时,东北抗联及广大爱国民众在抵抗日本侵略的斗争中逐步形成了全国抗日民族统一战线的雏形。     

Ameyuki-San No Uta: Yamada Waka No Satsuki Naru Shōgai

Abstract

Yamada Waka was a leader in Japan's feminist movement during the 1920s and 1930s. The wife of a well-known professor, she had access to the most progressive social and intellectual circles in Tokyo at the time . While Japan moved through the post–World War I decades with an upsurge of democratic thought and then a slow march toward the militarism that was to result in World War II, Yamada labored to raise the consciousness of Japanese women about their potential to contribute to the building of a better world and about the narrow roles society had decreed for them. She published a number of books, lectured widely in Japan and the United States, and opened a half-way house for the rehabilitation of prostitutes.     

A Political Economy Forecast for the 2005 British General Election

Recently, we proposed an original statistical model for forecasting general elections in the United Kingdom, based on the observation of a few key indicators of the political and economic system. That vote function model was tested against the results of the 2001 general election. Here we evaluate the results of that test, and offer an appropriately revised model for the forecasting of the upcoming 2005 general election. According to our forecast, a Labour victory appears the most likely outcome.     

The Winner Does Not Take All: Lessons from the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Despite countless studies on victory in armed conflict, scholars disagree about the exact meaning of this term. This article, using primary sources in Hebrew and Arabic, aims to define victory and to discern between types of successful outcomes in war. We analyze three case studies of military collision between Israel and Hamas through a model featuring four levels: tactical, operational, strategic, and systemic. The study shows that in all three clashes (2008, 2012, 2014), the outcomes are difficult to evaluate because the boundaries between the definitions are foggy. It also concludes that neither side has achieved a strategic victory that breaks the status quo that has held since June 2007—though Hamas's leaders have claimed strategic victory due to the group's survival. Israel, without advanced planning, has relied on tactical wins for its strategic policy.