美国与俄罗斯的中亚竞逐

冷战结束后中亚地区所处的地缘战略位置及其属性凸现出其重要的战略意义。而美国和俄罗斯由于其各自特定的历史抱负和使命感、该地区在其对外战略中所占有的特殊份量、以及两国特殊的历史交往过程等因素,使其在中亚地区的相互竞逐过程尤为引人注目。尤其是“9·11”以后美国和俄罗斯在互动中展现出新型的竞逐态势,对地区乃至全球局势产生了直接或间接的影响。     

俄罗斯与东亚国家的原油贸易——价格分析的角度

近年,俄罗斯主要通过4条途径向东亚国家输送原油.由于这4条途径的油源地及输送方式不同,因此最终的交易价格也不相同.笔者选取2条途径--用铁路通过满洲里向中国输油和用油轮从萨哈林岛向日本和韩国输油--的贸易价格与俄罗斯对欧洲的离岸价格及中东原油对东亚国家的到岸价格进行比较分析,揭示俄罗斯原油在东亚石油市场的价格现状.本文还对通过东西伯利亚-太平洋管道的出口原油的价格作出预测,指出它的价格将高于目前中俄铁路原油贸易价格和同品质的中东原油价格.     

Russia and the United States: Still cold in Northeast Asia?

The US has been reluctant to acknowledge Russia's relevance to the Asia‐Pacific, the author says, because “too little time has passed since the interests of these two former adversaries collided in the region.” Russia has the longest Pacific coastline and borders with China, Japan, Korea and Mongolia. Despite the end of the Cold War, however, Russia is still not an integrated participant in Northeast Asian economic cooperation. Vladimir Ivanov is a Visiting Fellow at the Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia in Niigata. He argues that Russia has made a clear choice between “guns and growth,” and that the country should be allowed to come in from the cold and join this region's development.     

地理的不确定性:关于俄罗斯、欧洲和亚洲的四个论题

针对俄罗斯归属于欧洲还是亚洲的问题,传统上公认的解说有:俄罗斯是一个欧洲国家;俄罗斯不同于亚洲;俄罗斯是一个欧亚国家。这些观点各有道理,但需细化。下面几个论题将有助于对俄罗斯属性的进一步认识:1)俄罗斯不仅是一个欧洲国家,而且是一个欧洲帝国。2)激进的欧亚主义者不反对俄罗斯的欧洲性,但反对认为俄罗斯是一个帝国。3)欧亚主义者宣称俄罗斯—欧亚不是亚洲的一个部分。欧亚主义者将欧亚理解为与欧洲或者亚洲完全不同的文明。4)欧亚主义者重新将俄罗斯—欧亚视为一个潜在的殖民地,而俄罗斯的使命是反殖民的领导者。     

Russia in the Asia–Pacific: The beginning of a new era?

This article discusses significant changes in Russia and the surrounding world during the last several years. The author argues that these changes created major preconditions for the beginning of a new era in relations between Russia and Northeast Asian countries, which will boost a breakthrough in the field of energy cooperation and might add a “second wing” to the idea of regionalism in Northeast Asia.     

当代俄罗斯的保守主义

当前俄罗斯主要的政治思想是保守主义,它的提出具有深刻的背景,其内涵是对俄罗斯主流政治价值观——"主权民主"思想的延续与发展。俄罗斯以保守主义为指导采取的政治举措具有积极的意义,并对俄罗斯的发展产生重要影响。当代保守主义的兴起与发展体现了俄罗斯政治转轨从制度巩固到观念巩固的基本特点。俄罗斯保守主义的前景取决于"统一俄罗斯"党的发展变化、俄罗斯克服金融危机的能力和水平,以及俄罗斯政治转轨整体进程的根本要求。     

俄罗斯的韩国学研究

俄罗斯的韩国学研究经历帝俄、苏联和冷战后时期的发展演变,形成了当前较为完备的科研体系。当前俄罗斯的韩国学研究机构主要有：俄罗斯科学院东方学研究所、远东研究所、莫斯科大学亚非学院、莫斯科国际关系学院国际关系系和圣彼得堡大学东方系等。俄罗斯韩国学研究与外交政策的关系有如下特点：学术科研与外交战略趋向密切相关;苏联时期的韩国学研究受到意识形态和政治体制的影响较强;俄罗斯独立后,学术界观点对政府外交决策的影响力增强;俄罗斯现有的韩国学科研机构得到韩国的大力支持,这有可能影响俄罗斯对朝鲜半岛的政策。     

Telephone Justice in Russia

This article investigates the predicament of the Russian legal system associated with the phenomenon of telefonnoye pravo or "telephone justice"—informal influence or pressure exerted on the judiciary—using quantitative data obtained from the all-Russia national survey conducted in 2007. These data are complemented by subsequent in-depth interviews with experts. The article offers a conceptual framework for the analysis of informal influence and empirical findings about forms of telephone justice. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, the spread of the practice is assessed and the relationship of pervasiveness of the practice to its effectiveness is analyzed.     

Symbolic state-building in contemporary Russia

Vladimir Putin has made state-building a central goal of his presidency and recent scholarship has demonstrated that Russian formal institutions have indeed been deliberately reformed. Unlike studies that ass’ess state-building vis-à-vis a particular outcome, our research examines what kind of state Russian political elites seek to build, and focuses on symbolic state-building strategies. To capture symbolic state-building in the Putin era, we examine the Pryamaya Liniya broadcasts: annual, high-profile TV broadcasts in which citizens pose questions to the president. We find that a broad range of formal institutions appear to be central to Putin’s state-building project, a finding that runs counter to claims that governance is largely deinstitutionalized, informal and personal. We argue that symbolic state-building seeks to reconcile personalism and institutionalism, by conveying a dual image of a state in citizens’ everyday lives – emphasizing both formal institutions, while also affirming Putin as the personal guarantor of the state’s authority.     

Suing the State in Russia

An expert on Russian law and politics uses statistical data as well as field-work in Moscow, Saratov, and Yekaterinburg to examine the uses of arbitrazh courts in Russia. Data on cases initiated by the state and by private enterprises are compared to determine whether there is a trend of increasing faith in the court system to fairly resolve disputes between private actors and the state.     

Agrarian Reform in Post-Soviet Russia

A leading American specialist on Soviet and Russian agriculture examines the politics and economics of agrarian reform in Russia. Coverage includes institutional reform, finance, local privatization, and interest group activities. Based on six extended visits to Russia during 1992-1994, participant observation, interviews and documentary materials, the author concludes that any successful reform must craft economic measures that will avoid recreating a unified rural bloc in opposition to reforms. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers P32, Q15, Q18.     

俄罗斯电子司法研究

俄罗斯电子司法的理论基础已经成熟。电子司法不同于法院信息化,法院信息化是电子司法的前置阶段,电子司法有其独特的内涵。电子司法是电子国家的组成部分,是民主的实现方式之一,在透明度、便捷性、公开性等方面有独特的功能。俄罗斯电子司法的法律渊源分为3种:国家战略规划、法律、司法解释等。其中,国家战略规划是核心,对电子司法的发展起到了统筹和引领作用,法律和司法解释等则为电子司法实践提供具体的规则支撑。仲裁法院的电子司法一直走在前列,其以“我的仲裁”系统为中心的制度建设已经相对完善,普通法院也已取得了不菲的成就,目前俄罗斯的电子司法整体上已经达到了比较高的水平。但是,俄罗斯发展电子司法存在着不平等加剧、立法不足、技术带来新问题、物质保障缺乏等问题。俄罗斯各界就电子司法的问题提出了不同的解决方案,新冠肺炎疫情加深了俄罗斯民众对电子司法的认同,俄罗斯电子司法的前景可期。