试论雍和宫在乾隆时期蒙藏政策中的作用

中国是个多民族、多宗教的国家。宗教成为维系民族共同心理的纽带,是民族文化和民族特性的重要内容。如何处理边疆的民族宗教问题,关系到国家的统一,领土的完整,社会的稳定,是治国政策中的一个重要组成部分。本文探讨了乾隆时期雍和宫在"兴黄教以安众蒙古"的政策中所发挥的作用,即维护了国家的统一,祖国领土完整,民族团结,又成为民族文化交流的中心。     

中国共产党的族际政治整合策略

新中国成立时,历史上由历史文化连结而成的众多民族群体在近代的民族构建中成为众多民族实体,中国成为现代意义的多民族国家。为了维护国家统一而对国内民族关系进行协调的族际政治整合,成为国家维持统一的重要机制,更成为中国共产党治国理政必须面对的重大问题。中国共产党从实际出发,先采取了制度整合、政策整合的策略,接着又采取了法制整合策略,近年来则增添了国族整合策略,从而形成了一个兼顾国家整合表层逻辑与底层逻辑的整合体系及相应的实践,并达成了族际政治整合的目标,有效维护了国家的统一和稳定。今天,依据国内族际关系的变化及其出现的特点,深入总结实践中的经验和教训,探索更具适应性和韧性的族际政治整合方式,仍然是必须认真对待的根本问题。     

维护边疆民族地区社会稳定的基本对策

在建设全面小康社会的进程中,社会稳定具有基础性和决定性的作用.边疆民族地区作为后发地区,具有边疆、民族、贫困等特点,在整个国家发展战略和社会稳定中具有举足轻重的地位.维护边疆民族地区社会稳定,既有一般的共性,也有其特殊性.强化统一的多民族国家的宣传教育、推动边疆民族地区经济社会发展等十条措施.既是治理边疆的治本之道,也是维护边疆民族地区社会稳定的基本之策.     

改革一年,每况愈下——1992年俄罗斯经济形势

苏联解体后,原苏联的各加盟共和国走上了独立发展的道路。为了让读者了解这些国家一年来的经济状况和经济改革的情况,特刊登以下来自俄罗斯、乌克兰和哈萨克斯坦的报道。     

浅析马克思民族理论在我国的实践和发展

我国是由56个民族汇成的一个多民族国家。民族问题一直是我党十分重视的问题,维护国家统一,反对民族分裂,坚持民族平等,民族团结,各民族共同繁荣是我们的社会主义事业取得成功的根本保障。马克思民族理论在我国实践的基本经验有四:因地制宜,创造性地开展民族工作;完善民族法制建设;传承民族传统文化,实行多元民族文化政策;培养和使用少数民族干部。     

传统政治文化与转型期的中国政治稳定

中国是一个长期处于统一状态的多民族国家,而中国文化又是人类历史上唯一没有中断的并一直延续至今的文化,自古就从民族的融合、国家的统一中,凝聚出了蕴含着丰富政治稳定思想的政治文化。转型期的中国处于矛盾凸显区和多发期,需要我们寻找到传统政治文化中蕴含的政治稳定观,从而成为维护转型期中国政治稳定的强大助力。     

社会转型期的俄罗斯宗教

俄罗斯是一个有着浓烈宗教情结的民族.东正教作为文化现象和意识形态,深深根植于俄罗斯民众的意识之中,深刻影响着俄罗斯的历史与现实.从沙皇俄国到苏维埃政权,再到今天转型时期的俄罗斯,东正教经历了大起大落的发展历程,其在弘扬爱国主义传统、凝聚民族精神、促进国家统一、规范民众道德、维护社会稳定等方面发挥了十分重要的作用.     

什么叫白皮书、蓝皮书

上海合作组织由“上海五国”发展而来，而后者又是从中苏边境谈判发展而来。1991年。原苏联解体后，各加盥共和国纷纷独立。根据国际法的继承原则。新独立的俄罗斯、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦四国均承认早先中苏边界谈判的成果。在此基础上，边界谈判继续进行，只是谈判主体由解体前的中苏两国变成了中国和这4个国家。随着谈判的不断进展，同时为了更好地维护边界地区的安全与稳定。五国元首于1996年在上海签署了关于在边境地区加强军事领域信任的协定。并于1997年在莫斯科签署了关于在边境地区相互裁减军事力量的协定。此后。元首的这种年度会晤形式被固定下来上，轮流在五国举行。由于首次会晤是在上海举行的。因此后来被称作“上海五国”机制。     

新时代坚定文化自信的三重意蕴

文化是一个民族的根与源,是一个民族屹立于世界舞台的重要基石。新时代坚定文化自信是民族精神独立的重要支撑,是维护文化安全的基本保障,是助推民族复兴的精神引擎。要将文化自信落实到具体行动上,就必须坚持以马克思主义为纲,以精准对接人民文化需求为本,推动优秀传统文化不断转化创新,坚持文化自觉与文化自信双重统一,进而在文化自信中实现文化自强。     

权利、自治与认同:民族认同的制度逻辑北大核心CSSCI

20世纪90年代以来,苏联和南斯拉夫等多民族国家在包括内部民族分裂势力等各种因素的作用下纷纷解体,不断走向碎片化。不单这些国家,多数统一的发达资本主义多民族国家也不能独善其身,深受民族分裂势力的困扰。当前,多民族国家内部民族的分离、分裂运动,致使部分国家面临着严重的族际政治整合问题,有些国家甚至有解体的危险。因此,多民族国家如何在维护其主权的同时整合内部各民族、如何将各民族的民族认同与国家认同相统一,不仅是一个重大现实问题,也是学术研究的重要课题。文章通过对国家与民族关系的阐释,论证了将民族作为一个独立的政治分析单元的理论基础,同时提出了民族整合的制度标准:既能回应和保护民族权利,又能降低民族群体的政治主权要求。促进多民族国家的民族融合需要开展学校语言教育,赋予各民族成员一致性公民权利。     

After Chechnya: At Risk in Dagestan

Population displacements in the aftermath of the Chechen conflict may undermine a complex political balance existing among the extraordinarily numerous ethnic groups in the neighbouring Republic of Dagestan. The destabilisation of Dagestan threatens to bring ethnic conflict to virtually the only state in the Caucasus to have avoided it thus far. This article considers the basis of ethnic accommodation in Dagestan, the policies and migratory patterns that have placed it at risk, and the regional context in which these have occurred.     

How much is citizenship worth? The case of Kyrgyzstani migrants in Kazakhstan and Russia

In the past few decades, political membership has become more complex, for example, through the proliferation of dual and multiple citizenships. Some scholars argue that, as a result, state membership may have become less relevant to individuals. In the same vein, our article argues that Kyrgyzstani migrants working in Russia and Kazakhstan have developed a pragmatic approach to citizenship. This case study, which builds upon in-depth interviews conducted in April and May 2008, is pertinent for several reasons. Labor migration from Kyrgyzstan has surged in recent years and is radically affecting the country's economy, society, and polity. Besides, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Russia have been separate political units for less than two decades; transnational practices and attitudes are thus not new. Our results show that for Kyrgyzstani migrants in Russia and Kazakhstan, citizenship is mainly defined in terms of concrete, short-term benefits. They have difficulties formulating what it means to be a citizen beyond the expression of a vague patriotic support. Those who have naturalized, mostly in Russia, do it for convenience purposes without attaching much affective meaning to it. Most see their stay as temporary (particularly in Kazakhstan), are not engaged in diasporic organizations or activities, and are estranged from the politics of both their home and host country.     

Violence in a Religiously Divided City: Kaduna,Nigeria—From the Shari'a Riots of 2000 to the Post-election Clashes of 2011

Abstract

This paper examines why frictions developed in Kaduna between Muslims and Christians, how they turned violent, and the outcomes. The frictions were caused by a combination of the effects of colonial policies that established the north/south, Muslim/Christian divide, added to unequal treatment of ethnic groups within Nigerian state structures, and Nigeria's position as a rentier oil-producing state, making it a valuable property for elite capture, and structural adjustment that increased unemployment. Hostilities between Reform Islam and Pentecostal Christianity helped fuel conflict and the configuration of masculinities among unemployed youths facilitated participation in violence. The outcomes included death, destruction and mutual suspicion.     

Justifying grounds for multicultural policies in Korea: universal human rights versus benefits of diversity

Multicultural policies often deviate from the principle of equal opportunity since it assumes exclusive policy target groups with extra budget and appropriate organization. If this is so, by what rationale can multicultural policies be justified? Why should we accept such unequal treatment as a procedural method to achieve a more equal society as the final goal? This paper examines justifying logic for multicultural policies that inevitably have an arbitrary aspect of state intervention. This paper first differentiates two kinds of logic, namely universal human rights and the benefits of diversity, which provide supporting rationale for the implementation of multicultural policies. We can witness from the US history that the benefits of diversity have increasingly become the main logic justifying affirmative action instead of liberal discussions on social justice and universal human rights of the 1960s. Korea also shows such a shift towards a utilitarian justification which has focused heavily on the benefits of diversity. However, the utilitarian rationalization for multicultural transition can be easily withdrawn when the benefits of ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity disappear, suddenly leading to unexpected discriminatory situations. In this context, this paper argues that discussion of normative justification is required, and such discussions need to be internalized among the citizens of a political community.     

The European Parliament's Legislative Powers Reconsidered – Assessing the Current State of the Procedural Models Literature

This article maps out the state of affairs of the academic literature which uses procedural spatial voting models to explain legislative decision-making in the European Union. Employing Tsebelis's (1994 ) article in which the author models the Union's co-operation procedure and using it as a reference point, I show that there is no clarity yet as to which of the several existing procedural model specifications yields the most convincing results. I conclude by suggesting how the current situation could be improved, and that procedural modelling might be integrated with other rational choice theory for a better understanding of the ongoing evolution of the policymaking instruments in the European Union.     

The Soviet Union and population: theory,problems, and population policy

Until the important public dialog on 3rd World population issues began in the Soviet Uuion in 1965, ideological limitations and bureaucratic interests prevented policy makers from recognizing the existence of a world of national "population problem." Since then, freer discussions of the Soviet Union's surprising decline in birthrate and labor shortages have led to serious policy questions. Conflicting policy goals, however, have resulted in only modest pronatalist policies. The Soviet population problem is a result of interregional disparities in population growth rates between the highly urbanized Soviet European populations with low birth rates and the least urbanized Central Asians with dramatically higher birth rates. As a result, these essentially Muslim people will provide the only major increases in labor resources and an increasing percentage of Soviet armed forces recruits. Policy planners are thus faced with difficult options. Current policies stressing technological transfers from the west and greater labor productivity, however, are unlikely to solve further labor shortages and regional imbalances. Ultimately, nonEuropana regions will be in an improved bargaining position for more favorable nationwide economic policies and for a greater role in policy planning.     

Nation‐building or ethnic fragmentation? Frontier settlement and collective identities in Israel

The paper analyses the evolution of collective identities from a critical geographical perspective, and argues that certain territorial practices associated with nation‐building and state‐building projects may actually sow the seeds of social and ethnic fragmentation. The analysis focuses on the impact of ‘internal frontier’ settlement in settler societies and highlights the key role of space, place and social control policies in the formation of ethnic and social identities. These identities are shown to be shaped, reshaped and reproduced during the processes of settlement, migration, segregation and inter‐group territorial conflict. Within that theoretical framework, the paper explores the case of Israel, and the impact of the settlement and spatial planning in the Galilee region on the formation of regional collective identities. The analysis shows that the process of settling the frontiers has given rise to ethnic, social and institutional fragmentation, particularly between Palestinian‐Arabs, Mizrahi Jews and Ashkenazi Jews. These divisions may— paradoxically—undermine the very nation‐building and state‐building projects that had instigated the settlement of the internal frontier.     

Conceptualising State Capacity: Comparing Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

Strengthening the state is central to the post-communist reform agenda. Here, state capacity combines organisational, material and social resources and is conceptualised along four dimensions: ideational, political, technical and implementational. This conceptualisation is applied to a comparative, survey-based analysis in 2002 of 125 medium-ranking officials in two post- communist Central Asian countries, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The findings reveal that although Kazakhstan's controlled economic reform programme and natural resources have placed it in a stronger position to develop its state capacity, important ideational, political and implementational problems pose long-term obstacles for reform. In turn, Kyrgyzstan's early liberalisation in the absence of economic and social resources may be serving to undermine its state capacity.     

Ethnic politics,complex legitimacy crisis,and intramural relations within ASEAN

This article examines ethnic conflict and its impacts on intramural relations within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It suggests that ethnic politics at home often propels leaders to get involved in ethnic conflict elsewhere. In the ASEAN context, regional institutions, especially the principle of non-interference, mitigate the effects of ethnic politics and preclude the possibility of coercive intervention. The third state is more likely to appeal to facilitation or mediation. On the side of the host state, when the regime faces complex legitimacy crisis, it is more likely to reject the third state's involvement. Ethnic conflict is likely to cause diplomatic tussles between the two states. In contrast, when the regime of the host state enjoys a higher level of legitimacy, it is more amenable to the third party's mediation. Cooperation on conflict management will foster inter-state trust. This article illustrates the above mechanism by examining Malaysia's role in Thailand and the Philippines’ ethnic insurgencies.     

The Institutional Context of Tolerance for Ethnic Minorities: A Comparative, Multilevel Analysis of Western Europe

Drawing on recent insights in the nationalism and citizenship regime literatures, this article develops a macrotheoretical framework for understanding cross-national variations in tolerance of ethnic minorities. Specifically, it tests the hypothesis that the degree to which the dominant ethnic tradition or culture is institutionalized in the laws and policies of a nation-state affects citizen tolerance of ethnic minorities. Employing a multilevel regression model, it systematically tests the framework, as well as competing individual and country-level explanations, for all member states of the European Union in 1997. Results confirm a strong relationship between the laws governing the acquisition and expression of citizenship, that is, citizenship regime type, and individual tolerance judgments. Moreover, citizenship regime type has a strong mediating effect on three individual-level variables previously shown to predict tolerance: ingroup national identity, political ideology, and satisfaction with democracy.