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1.
Rodriguez  Victoria E. 《Publius》1998,28(1):235-254
Decentralization of political power and administrative decision-makingduring the last three presidential administrations (1982–2000)has recast federalism in Mexico and sharply altered intergovernmentalrelations between the levels of government and between the principalbranches. Although decentralization cannot be equated conceptuallywith federalism, their relationship is extremely tight in Mexico.The shift toward a more decentralized regime is an outcome offederal government policies and political liberalization. Politicalpluralism and the demise of centralism were further intensifiedby the 1997 midterm elections. The rapidly changing politicalclimate in Mexico has increasingly demanded that the reallocationof power be genuine, that is, that power be shared not onlyvertically, with the various levels of government, but alsohorizontally, with the other branches as well.  相似文献   

2.
The Italian public sector, especially local government, has been experiencing an era of considerable change over the last four years following reforms introduced by the National Legislature (Parliament). The reforms influence many aspects of local government operations: organization, policy, management, finance, accounting, and auditing. This article analyzes some aspects of accounting reform in the new laws and directives in order to demonstrate how the traditional concept of accountability for local governments is changing. The direction of reform is clearly toward federalism and away from national authority and control in the public sector.  相似文献   

3.
Webber  David J. 《Publius》1989,19(1):185-192
The concept of federalism is important in political science;yet it has proven difficult to clarify and to use in empiricalanalyses of American political institutions. This analysis demonstratesthat the congressional federalism scores reported in Publiusare not unidimensional and that a better measure of federalismcan result in improved explanatory power of empirical analysisof the determinants of congressional attitudes toward federalism.A procedure for constructing a better measure of federalismis suggested.  相似文献   

4.
Tillin  Louise 《Publius》2007,37(1):45-67
Many studies highlight constitutional asymmetry as a desirablefeature of federal systems in multinational countries. Thisarticle looks at India which, mainly because of the specialprovisions for Kashmir in the 1950 constitution and the statusof newer small states in the north-east, is generally describedas asymmetrically federal. I show that, while India exhibitsconsiderable de facto asymmetry, asymmetry in the constitutionalpowers granted to individual states has (i) not been importantfor India's ability to ‘hold together’ as oftenassumed and (ii) not entailed special protection of culturalor national minorities. I thus cast doubt on the normative politicalphilosophy, particularly informed by Canadian and Spanish debates,that advances the idea of asymmetrical federalism as a modelof governance in potentially divided societies.  相似文献   

5.
This article presents the Clinton/Gore administration's philosophyon federalism and details specific improvements for servicesto citizens through strengthened intergovernmental partnershipsamong the federal, state, tribal, and local governments. Thearticle defines accomplishments toward achieving the NationalPerformance Review recommendations for new intergovernmentalpartnerships in delivering services to the public, and it providesa direction for federalism in the 104th Congress and beyond.  相似文献   

6.
Federalism and Party Interaction in West Germany, Switzerland, and Austria   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The federalism established in the constitutions of the FederalRepublic of Germany, Switzerland, and Austria, in addition tothe common language of these countries, distinguishes them fromthe other West European countries, which lean toward centrallyorganized states. After examining the historical foundationand development of the federal systems in the three countries,the article analyzes the segmentation, federal-state interaction,and intraparty effects of political parties in them. While federalismis strengthened by the heterogeneity and regional solidarityof the political parties in Switzerland, federalism has becomea pure "party federalism" in the Federal Republic of Germanyand Austria.  相似文献   

7.
Norrie  Kenneth H. 《Publius》1984,14(1):79-91
Two separate questions are investigated. First, are recent policiesof the western provinces in any sense a threat to Canadian federalismor an important cause of the current crisis? Secondly, and alternatively,is Canadian federalism a threat to the West in the sense thatthe institutions of the country cannot, in their present form,respond to the needs and aspirations of the region? These issuesare explored in the context of political and economic developmentsassociated with the energy crisis of the last decade. The conclusionis that Canadian federalism demonstrated a surprising resiliencyin the face of a very severe challenge.  相似文献   

8.
This article traces the major developments in German federalismfrom 1949 to the present. From a system based on a concept of"dual federalism," which was different in important ways fromthe American system, German federalism became somewhat morelike the postwar American cooperative federalism. Criticismof this system in the 1970s led to various reform efforts, whichmade little headway until the 1980s and the formation of a CDU/CSU-FDPcoalition government under Chancellor Helmut Kohl. The "turnabout"promised by this government and carried out to some extent includedplans and policies to strengthen the Länder by some sortingout of functions. These efforts were successful at first, butthe federal government has oriented its policies more towardthe national arena. Financial constraints, the nationalizationof basic rights, technological concerns, and pressures by theEC have led to new tendencies toward intergovernmentalizingand centralizing the relations between the federation and Landgovernments.  相似文献   

9.
Borzel  Tanja A 《Publius》2000,30(2):17-42
Intergovernmental relations in Spain have undergone a significanttransformation during the past 22 years. With the transitionto democracy, Spain has developed from a unitary-centralistinto a quasi-federal polity in which the 17 autonomous communitiesenjoy significant political autonomy. However, Spain is notonly moving toward federal democracy, it is also approachinga cooperative model of federalism in which multilateral intergovernmentalcooperation and joint decision-making supersede the bilateralnegotiations and regional competition that traditionally characterizedintergovernmental relations. The shift from competitive regionalismto cooperative federalism is the result of the progressive Europeanizationof the Spanish state and its autonomous communities, which hasencouraged consultation and cooperation between the nationalgovernment and the regions. As traditional forms of intergovernmentalrelations proved ineffective for necessary coordination andcooperation, the Spanish government and the autonomous communitiesestablished a new procedure for cooperating in European affairs-thefirst institutional framework to provide for the joint participationof all 17 autonomous communities in central-state decision-making.  相似文献   

10.
Despite the fact that there are strong a priori grounds forpresuming that the intergovernmental grants characteristic offiscal federalism in Australia may generate fiscal illusion,no empirical effort has been directed at this line of inquiry.The present article seeks to go some way toward remedying thisdeficiency by evaluating the flypaper variant of the fiscalillusion hypothesis using a time-series analysis of AustralianCommonwealth expenditures for 1981 to 1992. The results of theseestimations provide some tentative empirical support for theexistence of a flypaper effect on public expenditure in Australiafor the period under review.  相似文献   

11.
The article explores the nature of Australian federalism by examining four major themes in the period from Hawke to Howard. The investigation of these themes – Australian conceptions of federalism; the role of party in shaping federalism; the way problems and politics have influenced policy‐making and thereby federalism; and the nature of federal judicial review – suggests that Australian federalism can most accurately be characterised as pragmatic. It appears as a federalism shaped by pressing problems, specific policy agendas and the prevailing political dynamic, rather than by overarching conceptions of federalism derived from political theory or articulated in party ideology. This pragmatic federalism explains important aspects of Australian federalism, especially the trend towards centralisation of authority.  相似文献   

12.
Ray  Amal; Kincaid  John 《Publius》1988,18(2):147-167
Since the late 1960s, India's federal system has experiencedsevere strain in center-state relations. Such strain was almostnonexistent during the first generation of Indian federalism(1950–1966). During the second generation, which followedthe death of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1966, therise of a powerful leader of the ruling Congress party, IndiraGandhi, and the emergence of dissent inside the party led toa greater emphasis on centralization and regimentation withinthe party and, thereby, the federal system as well. At the sametime, economic development had helped to produce new politicalelites from rural areas who benefited from the "green revolution"of the 1960s. These new elites challenged the professional andindustrial elites who had long controlled the Congress party,the national government, and many state governments. Feelingfrustrated in their efforts to influence national economic policyin a significant way, these new elites have formulated demandsthat call for substantial decentralization, greater state autonomy,and more tolerance for opposition parties whose electoral supportis mainly state-based.  相似文献   

13.
Baker  J. Wayne 《Publius》1993,23(2):19-42
This study argues that the modern political philosophy of federalismis directly linked to the Swiss Reformed idea of religious covenant,which was first formulated in the 1520s and 1530s by HeinrichBullinger in Zürich. Bullinger's concept of religious covenanthad roots both in the Old Testament and in the early federalideal and reality that had come out of the Swiss Middle Ages;it therefore had important social and political implicationsas well as theological meaning. During the sixteenth and earlyseventeenth centuries, this theological idea of federalism fedinto and helped to create the modern political concept of federalism,especially in the thought of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay and JohannesAlthusius. Political federalism became a reality in the Constitutionof the United States in the late eighteenth century. The Swissfederal Constitution of 1848 was instructed by the mature conceptof political federalism, by the Constitution of the United States,and by the long tradition of Swiss federalism. All of theseinfluences had some basis in the uniquely Swiss idea of religiouscovenant.  相似文献   

14.
Cameron  David; Simeon  Richard 《Publius》2002,32(2):49-72
"Executive federalism" or "federal-provincial diplomacy" haslong been considered the defining characteristic of Canadianfederalism, which combines federalism and Westminster-stylecabinet government. However, these processes have come underincreasing stress in recent years from a number of forces thathave affected the nature and conduct of federalism and intergovernmentalrelations in Canada. Executive federalism has not been displaced,but has been increasingly informed by a set of practices thatwe call "collaborative federalism," characterized more by theprinciple of co-determination of broad national policies ratherthan by the more traditional pattern of federal-leadership.  相似文献   

15.
Peterson  Paul 《Publius》1985,15(1):23-30
Vincent Ostrom's analysis of The Federalist's understandingof federalism fails to consider the historical and theoreticalcontext of The Federalist's arguments. Ostrom takes certainrhetorical devices of The Federalist too much at face value.He correctly sees that the authors of The Federalist view eighteenth-centuryfederalism as bad government. He incorrectly concludes thatsince it is bad government, that understanding could not havebeen the true meaning of federalism. The Federalist understandseighteenth-century federalism to be "the true meaning" of federalismas established by the political discourse of the times. TheConstitution departs radically from eighteenth-century federalism,but The Federalist seeks to conceal how radical the departureis, in part, by offering a looser definition of federalism thatwill allow the Constitution to be characterized as a federalsystem. A consideration of the writings of the opponents tothe Constitution suggests the limited success of this attemptat redefinition.  相似文献   

16.
The development of theory in the study of American federalismand intergovernmental relations has long been marked by divergentapproaches. This article reviews the literature produced byfive "schools" within the field: (1) dual federalism, (2) cooperativefederalism, (3) pragmatic federalism, (4) noncentralized federalism,and (5) nation-centered federalism. As different as these approachesare, scholarly work in this field has made only sparing useof two other potentially useful approaches: distributive justiceand public choice theory. This article suggests how these alternateapproaches might contribute to reinvigorating a field that appearsto be otherwise at an intellectual impasse.  相似文献   

17.
Does federalism matter? We develop a theoretical model on the causal relationships between federalism, decentralization and system performance by merging the two literatures on political and fiscal federalism. The model is then tested in a quantitative analysis, including the OECD countries. We find that, consistent with our model, federalism and decentralization are different dimensions of the territorial organization of politics. Decentralization has positive effects; federalism tends to result in either no or a negative performance effect.  相似文献   

18.
Canadian federalism has experienced considerable pressure for change and innovation in recent years. There have been calls for more collaborative federalism and demands for public sector reforms consistent with the precepts of New Public Management. This article examines the hypothesis that these pressures might be expected to have resulted in some intergovernmental institutional innovation in the arena of federal–provincial–territorial relations. Using a conceptual distinction between federalism, intergovernmental relations, and intergovernmental management (IGM) as the basis of analyzing institutional innovation at six levels in the Canadian intergovernmental administrative state, the authors find a differentiated impact with more institutional innovation evident at the micro levels of IGM and innovation more constrained at the macro levels of the administrative state by the traditional institutional infrastructure of executive federalism.  相似文献   

19.
在护国军政府中,无论是欧事研究会,还是进步党和西南地方实力派,都有联邦主义诉求,这使得护国运动具有强烈的联邦主义色彩。联邦主义的出现,既有其一定的思想基础,又有浓厚的工具主义色彩。随着护国运动的结束,联邦主义逐渐沉寂。20世纪20年代初,在中国空前分裂的特殊格局下,联邦主义又演变为声势浩大的联省自治思潮和运动。  相似文献   

20.
Australian women activists have never been enthusiastic about federalism because of its reputation as a system that restricts the scope of government and obstructs the path of progressive social change. Like their sisters in other countries, women's groups have sought collectivist solutions to economic and social problems. In the last couple of decades, however, orthodox ideas about the restrictive impact of federalism have been questioned. A revisionist view has emerged, which holds that the system sometimes facilitates the adoption of innovative policies and may lead to an expansion of the role of government. The revisionist perspective raises the question of whether women's groups have been wise to oppose federalism. This article examines relevant Canadian and Australian studies in order to test the validity of orthodox and revisionist perspectives and to draw conclusions about appropriate feminist approaches to federalism. The evidence is mixed. The main argument of this article is that, to the extent that we can distinguish its independent effect, federalism sometimes obstructs policy development and sometimes facilitates it. There are serious methodological problems involved in trying to isolate the impact of the federal variable from the many factors that influence policy, making generalisations precarious. Experience, therefore, offers little guidance to women's groups seeking to decide whether to support centralised or decentralised decision‐making structures. However, this study concludes that in the context of present Australian federal arrangements, women are more likely to achieve their aims when the Commonwealth government takes action, either alone or in cooperation with sub‐national jurisdictions.  相似文献   

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