Does public reporting measure up? Federalism,accountability and child-care policy in Canada

Abstract: Governments in Canada have recently been exploring new accountability measures within intergovernmental relations. Public reporting has become the preferred mechanism in a range of policy areas, including early learning and child-care, and the authors assess its effectiveness as an accountability measure. The article is based on their experience with a community capacity-building project that considers the relationship between the public policy, funding and accountability mechanisms under the federal/provincial/territorial agreements related to child-care. The authors argue that in its current form, public reporting has not lived up to its promise of accountability to citizens. This evaluation is based on the standards that governments have set for themselves under the federal/provincial/territorial agreements, as well as guidelines set by the Public Sector Accounting Board, an independent body that develops accounting standards over time through consultation with governments.     

A new model for making Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada

Government policy‐making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy‐making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy‐making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation.     

What's the problem with gender-based analysis? Gender mainstreaming policy and practice in Canada

Abstract: Gender “mainstreaming” is an important concept in feminist politics because it integrates a gendered perspective into all policy- and decision-making. However, while most scholars agree that gender mainstreaming has the potential to transform social relations, to date it has been limited and delivered only marginal benefits for a few women. In the Canadian context, scholars have pointed to several contextual and conceptual issues that limit the transformative potential of gender-based analysis. While such studies have contributed to our understanding of the impacts of gender mainstreaming, the author suggests that we must also explore the creative or productive dimensions of mainstreaming. When we do so, we see that gender mainstreaming constructs a new form of worker: the “gender expert,” who is then given authority to analyse, monitor and suggest interventions based on “expert analysis.” From this perspective, gender analysis becomes a “technology of rule,” constructing gender experts whose power ultimately goes unscrutinized in the context of the organization, thus obscuring the ways in which gender systems are reproduced or fractured by gender mainstreaming itself. In closing, the author calls for a reorientation of gender mainstreaming, away from an analytic approach that focuses only on the instrumental effects of policies and towards an approach that illuminates both the instrumental and creative impacts of policies.     

Who pays the piper calls the tune? Comparing Canada's and the European Union's expansionary roles in pensions

Both Canada and the European Union (EU) have been active in developing pension policies despite the lack of formal mandates to do so. While the Canadian government used its fiscal powers to expand its role in pension programs when pension emerged as a policy issue, the EU has been strongly limited by its lack of resources, institutional complexities, and the maturity of public pension programs in its member states. The EU experience generates interesting lessons for Canadian policy makers who are dealing with increasingly complex pension issues.     

A sizeable effect? Municipal council size and the cost of local government in Canada

This article examines the relationship between council size and municipal expenditures in Quebec's largest municipalities. Two claims commonly found in the literature are tested: the professionalization and the law of 1/n hypotheses. Using cross‐sectional data, the professionalization hypothesis is confirmed: each elected official costs more in a smaller council. As for the law of 1/n, the effect of council size on total government expenditures is not significant. These results refute the cost saving argument for smaller councils and suggest that other aspects, such as quality of democratic life and efficiency in decision‐making, may be more relevant to the debate.     

Who speaks for whom? Implementing the Crown's duty to consult in the case of divided Aboriginal political structures

The Supreme Court of Canada has determined that the Crown has a duty to consult Aboriginal peoples on government decisions that may adversely affect their rights, but the Court did not define who the Crown should consult on behalf of Aboriginal people when two or more groups claim the right to speak for them. For government officials attempting to fulfil the Crown's duty, this can create challenges. This article reviews the jurisprudence and scholarly commentary to provide some guidance to government officials on how to effectively implement the Crown's duty to consult as a practical matter of public administration.     

Making the invisible public service visible? Exploring data on the supply of policy and management consultancies in Canada

The use of external policy and management consultants in government has been receiving increasing attention in many countries, including Canada. We explore new data on management consulting compiled from information released since the creation of the Federal Accountability Act to address the supply side of contracting. We find several large multi‐year contracts have taken up a larger percentage of contracting activity while the number of smaller contracts has declined. The data suggest a pattern of oligopsonic demand concentrated mostly in a handful of very heavy users and an increasingly oligopolistic supply pattern where less than 5% of companies accounted for 80% of total contract values and where repeat contracts are the norm. Measures of accountability and transparency need to extend to the “invisible” public service of contract consultants.     

Intergovernmental Canada: government by conference ? A fiscal and economic perspective

Abstract. This paper first reviews the main financial and economic issues discussed at federal-provincial conferences in the last twenty years. The author notes that intergovernmental accomplishments during this period are very impressive, conflicts not withstanding. At present, however, there is much concern in Canada about federal-provincial relations and the author submits a list of problems which seem to be the source of this concern. He wonders if the machinery set up in the past twenty years will be adequate to handle the problems of the future. It is clear that the federal government's share in the total revenues of the public sector cannot decrease in the next two decades as it did between 1958 and 1978. Discussion will shift from purely financial issues, and focus to a greater extent on economic development and on questions of federal rather than provincial jurisdiction. Increasingly, the federal government will be called upon to play the role of mediator between the provinces. In the author's view, Canadian federalism now faces two possible alternatives: either the collaborative or the classical approach. Sommaire. ?auteur examine ?abord les principales questions financières et économiques qui ont fait ?objet de conférences fédérales-provinciales au cours des vingt dernières années. II constate que les réalisations intergouvernemen-tales de cette période, malgré les conflits, sont impressionnantes. II existe tout de même présentement beaucoup ?inquiétude au Canada au sujet des relations fédérales-provinciales et ?auteur dresse une liste des problèmes qui sem-blent être à?origine de cette inquiétude. II se demande ensuite si les méca-nismes mis en place au cours des vingt dernières années seront adéquats pour faire face aux problèmes des années à venir. II est évident que la part du gou-vernement fédéral dans les recettes totales du secteur public ne pourra pas diminuer ?ici à 1998 comme elle ?a fait de 1958 à 1978. Les débats s'éloigne-ront des questions purement financières; on s'attardera davantage au dévelop-pement économique et à des questions de juridiction fédérale plutôt que pro-vinciale. Le gouvernement fédéral sera de plus en plus appeléà jouer le rôle de médiateur entre les provinces. ?auteur pense que le fédéralisme canadien fait maintenant face à deux orientations possibles: soit une approche dite ← de collaboration →, soit une approche dite ← classique →.     

The Prime Minister's Office: Catalyst or Cabal? Aspects of the development of the Office in Canada and some thoughts about its future†

Abstract. Surprisingly, little has been written in Canada about the Prime Minis-tership. Even less has been written about the Prime Minister's Office. This is not so surprising. A large and active Prime Minister's Office is a recent phenomenon having no precedent in British or Canadian political practice. Constitutionally, it might be argued that a Prime Minister's Office should not exist at all. The fact is, however, that it does exist in Canada, and that in recent years it has grown substantially in size and influence. This paper is in two parts. The first part outlines some of the key changes that have taken place in the Office since the election of Prime Minister Trudeau in 1968. The second part outlines some of the problems associated with this growth and suggests some ways in which the Office might be strengthened while ensuring that it respects the fundamental principles of parliamentary government. This paper concludes that the Prime Minister's Office, as it has developed in Canada during the past five years, performs a largely constructive role and that with certain adaptations and safeguards it will cmtinue to provide highly useful assistance to the Prime Minister in the execution of his increasingly varied and complex range of responsibilities. Sommaire. Il est surprenant de constater qu'il a été peu écrit au Canada sur le poste de Premier Ministre et encore moins sur le bureau du Premier Ministre. Ceci est moins étonnant. L'existence d'un bureau important et actif est un phénomène récent qui n'a pas de précédent dans la pratique politique britannique ou canadienne. Du point de vue constitutionnel, on pourrait soutenir que le bureau du Premier Ministre n'existe pas. Il n'en reste pas moins que son existence est un fait au Canada et qu'au cours des dernières années, ses proportions et son influence n'ont fait qu'augmenter. Cette communication est en deux parties. Dans la première, l'auteur expose les changements fondamentaux survenus dans le bureau depuis l'élection du Premier Ministre Trudeau en 1968. Dans la deuxième, il expose certains des problèmes qu'a suscité cette croissance et propose différents moyens de renforcer le bureau tout en s'assurant qu'il respecte les principes fondamentaux de gouvernement parlementaire. L'auteur conclut en déclarant que le bureau du Premier Ministre, tel qu'il s'est développé au Canada au cours des cinq dernières années joue un rôle surtout constructif et qu'avec certains ajustements et sauvegardes, il pourra continuer à fournir une aide extrêmement appréciable au Premier Ministre, dans l'exercice des fonctions de plus variées et complexes qui sont les siennes.     

What metrics? On the utility of measuring the performance of policy research: An illustrative case and alternative from Employment and Social Development Canada

This article examines the state of performance measurement of policy research in government. The article observes that, to date, government policy research activities have seldom been the object of performance measurement, a factor we ascribe to the relative unsuitability of existing models rooted in a focus on outputs and outcomes, often at the expense of relationships and networks. In reference to the literature and the case study, the article proposes that existing performance measurement models are ill‐suited to the task of assessing policy research performance. As a result, the article proposes that a purpose‐built model may be needed to achieve this objective. Such a model, the Sphere of Influence of Research Policy model, is provided as an illustration.     

The Swedish approach to investing public pension funds: Some lessons for Canada ?

Abstract. Unlike the Canada Pension Plan, which is financed largely on a pay-as-you-go basis, Sweden's national earnings-related pension scheme is designed to accumulate a large reserve fund. The degree to which the scheme is funded and the consequent size of its reserve fund means that the Swedish system presents public policy-makers in Canada with a unique opportunity to observe some of the methods, consequences and problems that arise as a result of funding a large earnings-related public pension plan. Of particular interest is the administrative structure of the fund and its investment activities. The National Pension Insurance (ap ) Fund, as it is called, has aroused considerable attention abroad because it plays a major role in Sweden's capital market, and is frequently cited as an example of how a partially funded public pension plan might invest its assets in the private sector of the economy. This paper describes the role of the AP Fund and its autonomous sub-funds. Particular attention is paid to the Fourth Fund which invests in equity shares. Somrnaire: Contralrement au Régime de pensions du Canada, qui est financé au fur et à mesure, le régime national suédois, qui offre une retraite proportionnelle aux revenus, a été conçu pour permettre l'accumulation d'un fonds de réserve important. Le degré d'approvisionnement du fonds, et par conséquent son importance, offrent aux organismes canadiens chargés d'établir les programmes une occasion unique d'observer quelques méthodes, quelques résultats et quelques problèmes qui découlent de l'approvisionnement d'un pareil régime. La structure administrative du fonds et ses politiques d'investissement sont particulièrement intéressantes. Le Fonds national d'assurance-retraite (ap ), comme on l'appelle, a suscité beaucoup & d'attention à l'étranger, car il joue un rôle important sur le marché suédois des capitaux. Bien souvent, c'est l'exemple dont on se sert pour décrire comment un régime de retraite public, partiellement approvisionné, pourrait investir ses avoirs dans le secteur privé de l'économie.     

Independent foundations,public money and public accountability: Whither ministerial responsibility as democratic governance?

Abstract: Over the past decade the federal government has established a number of independent foundations to spend public money on public business. The democratic control that is meant to obtain under the Constitution is not present in the design of these foundations. This article examines the ways in which their organizational design is contrary to the principles of responsible government as well as to the government's own policy on so‐called alternative service‐delivery structures. The article also discusses how the designers of these foundations relied primarily on results‐based reporting instead of the traditional system of ministerial responsibility. The author concludes that these organizational designs are beyond the pale of the Constitution's requirements for democratic control over public administration and suggests measures that may correct these deficiences. Sommaire: Au cours de la demière décennie, le gouvernement fédéeral a mis sur pied un certain nombre de fondations indépendantes visant à consacrer des fonds publics aux affaires publiques. Ces fondations ne comportent pas dans leur conception le contrôle démocratique prévu par la Constitution. Le présent article examine comment leur conception organisationnelle va à l'encontre des principes de gouvemement responsable ainsi que la politique même du gouvernement sur ce qu'on appelle les modes altematifs de prestation de services. L'article examine également la manière dont les concepteurs de ces fondations se sont fiés essentiellement à la reddition de comptes axés sur les résultats plutôt qu'au système traditionnel de respon‐sabilité ministérielle. L'auteur conclut que ces conceptions organisationnelles ne repondent pas aux exigences de la Constitution pour ce qui est du contrôle démocratique de l'administration publique et propose des mesures qui pourraient pallier à ces insuffisances.     

Do political structures matter in environmental politics? The case of air pollution control in Canada,Sweden, and the United States

Abstract. The point of departure of this study is the question whether differences in political structures also lead to differences in the policy alternatives selected for practical use. The study examines the influence of federal/unitary, parliamentary/balance-of-power, and administrative/judicial structural aspects on the selection of policy alternatives for air pollution control in Canada, Sweden, and the United States. The examination indicates that these structural differences have had an influence on the choices of such policy elements as (a) the basic approach to pollution control, (b) the distribution of authority among different levels of government, (c) the methods of enforcement, and (d) public participation. As a result of these influences, considerable differences exist between the three countries with regard to air pollution control policy. This is all the more remarkable in view of the similarity of the problem of air pollution and the availability of similar techniques for pollution control in all industrialized countries. The paper ends with an outline of an ‘ideal’ policy of air pollution control, and discusses the structural problems of all three countries with regard to the adoption of such an ‘ideal’ policy. Sommaire. Le point de départ de cette étude, c'est la question des différences structurales politiques, si elles produisent aussi des différences de choix politiques pratiques. L'étude examine l'influence des aspects structuraux du gouvernement tels que les systèmes féderal/unitaire, parlementaire/équilibre des puissances, et administratif/judicial sur le choix de politiques destinées à réglementer la pollution de l'air au Canada, en Suède, et aux Etats-Unis. Une telle examination indique que ces différences de structures politiques ont exercé une influence sur le choix d'une politique de base, la division d'autorité entre divers niveaux gouvernementaux, les méthodes de réglementation, et la participation publique. Le résultat, c'est qu'il existe des différences considkrables entre les trois pays à l'egard de la réglernentation de la pollution de l'air — ce qui est curieux, étant donné la ressemblance des problèmes et la diffusion de pareilles techniques de réglementation dans toutes les nations industrialisées. La conclusion de ce papier, du point de vue d'une politique idéale de réglementation, c'est qu'aucun des pays possède une structure tout à fait propre à résoudre le problème de la réglementation de la pollution de l'air.     

Who are you afraid of and why? Inside the black box of refugee tribunals

Refugee hearings perform an important function in migration management. They filter unwanted immigrants while offering possibilities for the protection of human rights for others. Building on insights from frontline decision‐making and migration studies, and from the standpoint of law and society, this article examines how Canada's refugee adjudicators assess the facts of a refugee claim. The data come from ethnographic research that combines observation of hearings, interviews with implicated actors and archival research. Going beyond adjudicators’ individual‐level attitudes towards refugee claimants, the article finds that hearing room assessments are shaped by adjudicators’ divergent approaches to fact‐finding, their interdependent relationships with lawyers, and their training.     

The privatization of housing assistance: Are housing allowances eroding government accountability?

A major change in the low‐income housing sector across nations has been the introduction of housing allowances (or vouchers/benefits) typically used on private rental markets. This change is a fundamental shift from post‐war housing policy when government was a main provider through publicly owned housing. This “privatization” is usually associated with the New Public Management. This article addresses this policy change and discusses the implications for the accountability of governments in Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta. This article argues that the policy shift from in‐kind to in‐cash has not eroded accountability due to the distinctiveness of housing assistance, compared to other social programs. Actors involved in the housing community continue to challenge governments with regard to consumption subsidies, emphasizing their flaws and imperfections. The argument is empirically probed through a comparative analysis over 50 years, drawing on government archival records and housing advocates’ publications.     

An analysis of changes in stakeholder accountability among Canadian WCBs: 1998–2008

Abstract: Many essential public services in Canada have been delegated to agencies. The semi-autonomous nature of these agencies, often operating at arm's-length from government, leads to difficulties in holding them sufficiently accountable. Of the many public-sector agencies in Canada, workers' compensation boards (WCBs) are arguably the most autonomous in comparison to other government agencies such as health care and social services. In their article, derived from an earlier background paper written in 1998, Therese Jennissen, Michael Prince and Saul Schwartz (2000) called for increased WCB accountability to elected officials. The aim of the current article is, first, to conduct a document review to determine the extent to which the recommendations made by Jennissen and her colleagues have been adopted at the national level and, secondly, through a case study, to examine the implications of these changes at the Newfoundland Workplace Health, Safety and Compensation Commission, where many of the recommendations have been implemented.     

Socialization of Service for the Elderly and Social Governance Innovation：in the Case of Zhejiang Province

In the socialization process of services for the elderly, guiding the social subjects to participate in solving the imbalance problem of supply and demand has become the basic target. Based on the local practical experience in Zhejiang Province, the paper presents different innovated service models and emphasizes the significance of social governance innovation. Based on this, this paper analyzes such problems as social subjects' lack of motivation, the poor coordination of cooperation mechanism and the inadequacy of effective supply. The researcher also puts forward relevant countermeasures in the aspects of capacity building, mechanism innovation, and content innovation. The paper concludes that the services for the elderly are supposed to promote social governance innovation in the institutions and mechanisms.     

Sustainable development in Quebec and Flanders: Institutionalizing symbolic politics?

Since the publication of the Brundtland Report in 1987, governments at all levels have been struggling with the concept of sustainable development and its translation into public policy. In some federal countries, subnational governments have presented themselves as pioneers in sustainable development governance. This article critically analyses and compares the sustainable development policies in Quebec and Flanders – self‐declared leaders in the field – and seeks to identify lessons for the broader area of sustainable development governance. The analysis reveals some similarities in the policies and several problems. While certain investments are made at the administrative level, the policies are characterized by symbolic politics, devoid of political significance and not moving beyond cosmetic, rhetorical engagement. A renewed political commitment for sustainable development, as set out by the recent Rio+20 Summit, is urgently needed.     

Globalization and the South ?What could Egypt and China do ?

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