全球民意调查中的中国(下)

美国<时代>周刊:中国形象全球排第五 美国<时代>周刊3月26日公布的全球最新民意调查表明,中国已经成为全球最受敬重的前5个国家之一.这5个国家得到的民意支持率分别是:加拿大及日本均为54%、法国50%、英国45%、中国42%.在往年对中国负面评价相对集中的欧美地区,去年英国率先甩掉了对华负面印象,以49%的正面评价率刷新了欧美对华民意格局.     

全球民意调查中的中国（下）

美国《时代》周刊3月26日公布的全球最新民意调查表明，中国已经成为全球最受敬重的前5个国家之一。这5个国家得到的民意支持率分别是：加拿大及日本均为54％、法国50％、英国45％、中国42％。在往年对中国负面评价相对集中的欧美地区，去年英国率先甩掉了对华负面印象，以49％的正面评价率刷新了欧美对华民意格局。     

中美经贸关系总体向好

美国新政府的对华经贸政策一直受到各方关注。细观布什及其政府班子入主白宫后的迹象，新政府的对华经贸政策正在逐步明朗： 　　——积极主张继续发展对华经贸关系，认为这样符合美国的最大利益。这实际上是美国工商界，尤其是大跨国公司的主张。共和党历来是美国工商界的代表，布什当选后，其政府班子也表达了继续发展对华经贸关系的意愿。 　　——在中国加入 WTO问题上，一方面表态继续支持，另一方面又在一些具体问题上提出高要价，争取更大利益；同时加强对华履行双边贸易协议和世贸组织承诺的监督机制。 　　——继续奉行“公平、…     

外经贸部发言人发表谈话

外经贸部发言人胡楚生５月２５日就美国国会众议院通过对华永久正常贸易关系议案发表谈话指出，５月２５日晨，美国国会众议院投票通过了美国对华永久正常贸易关系议案。美方解决对华永久正常贸易关系问题是执行中美关于中国加入世界贸易组织双边协议的基础和前提。美国国会众议院通过对华永久正常贸易关系是明智的。这一问题的解决有利于中美双边经贸关系在平等、互惠的基础上健康稳定地发展。 这位发言人说，但需要指出的是，美国国会众议院通过的对华永久正常贸易关系议案同时包含了借口人权等问题企图干涉中国内政、损害中国利益的条款…     

美国对华人权政策探源

美国对华人权政策是其人权外交政策的一个组成部分。该政策以美国的价值观和人权模式作为衡量中国人权状况的标准，把人权作为处理对华关系的一个准则。近些年来，在这一政策的指导下，美国利用双边和多边关系不断提出所谓的“西藏人权”问题、“政治犯”“良心犯”问题、“妇女人权”问题、“宗教自由”问题、法轮功问题等，谴责中国的人权状况，对中美关系的发展产生了很大的负面影响。那么，美国对华人权政策是如何产生的？其实质是什么？本文试作一探讨。一、世界格局和东、西矛盾的新变化新特点是美国对华人权政策的时代根源美国人权外…     

美国通过对华永久性正常贸易关系法案 消除中美贸易关系的不稳定因素

１０月１０日，美国总统克林顿签署了对华永久性正常贸易关系法案，使这项法案成为美国的法律。从此，美国将终止持续了２０年的对给予中国最惠国待遇（即正常贸易关系）进行年度审议的歧视性做法，从法律上为美国实现对华正常贸易关系铺平了道路。中美两国于１９７９年建交时签署了中美贸易关系协定，决定双方互相给予对方最惠国待遇。但在该协定于１９８０年生效后，美国方面却按其国内的《１９７４年贸易法》中的有关规定，坚持对给予中国最惠国待遇问题进行年度审议。１９９９年１１月，中美两国政府签署了关于中国加入世贸组织的协议。…     

美国为何强化对华出口管制

美强化对华出口管制,从根本上讲是服从和服务于美对华军事遏制战略近年来,随着美国安全战略新变化和中国国防现代化发展,美国在立法、清单管理、机构设置、部门协调、多边体系等诸多方面,进一步强化了对华出口管制力度。一是修订和规范对华出口和再出口的许可证制度,扩大管制物项范围。2007年6月,美国正式公布了新的对华出口管制政策。新规定对疑用于"军事最终用途"的对华出口商品均要     

外交部发言人发表谈话

外交部发言人章启月５月２５日就美国国会众议院表决通过对华永久正常贸易关系议案发表了谈话。 章启月说，５月２５日，美国国会众议院投票通过了美国对华永久正常贸易关系议案。这个议案支持美对华永久正常贸易关系，这是明智的。必须指出，解决对华永久正常贸易关系是美方根据世界贸易组织规则应当承担的义务，是执行中美关于中国加入世贸组织双边协议的基础和前提。解决对华永久正常贸易关系有利于中美双方在平等、互惠的基础上发展经贸关系，也有利于为中美关系的健康稳定发展创造条件。 章启月指出，但中方感到严重关注和不满的是，该…     

美国对华安全战略想干啥

从１９９０年到２０００年的周年，是美国对华战略试探、考验和压制的１０年；到目前，美国新的对华安全战略已渐露端倪。 苏联瓦解和冷战结束后，彻底改变了关国的全球战略地位，自恃占尽天时、地利的关国在最短的时间内开始了从对华“怀柔”向对华“促变”的政策转变。关国的决策者以为：世界局势剧变导致的多米诺骨牌效应马上会波及中国。于是，１９９０年，由美国中央情报局制定、国家安全委员会协调、联邦政府认可的关国对华安全战略框架出笼。在多达１０余条的战略原则中，美国当局确认了从政治、经济、外交、军事、贸易、文化、教育…     

中东欧国家的中国观

如今中东欧国家都已经“重返欧洲”了，他们对中国的看法多基于欧洲立场和视角，部分中东欧国家在制度转轨后，甚至表现出比西欧国家更强的反社会主义制度偏好。中东欧的年轻人对华认知也存在断层。因此，随着中国一中东欧的合作被视为双方的“重新发现”，我们也需要了解中东欧国家对华态度的变化。     

Citizenship Norms and the Expansion of Political Participation

A growing chorus of scholars laments the apparent decline of political participation in America, and the negative implications of this trend for American democracy. This article questions this position – arguing that previous studies misdiagnosed the sources of political change and the consequences of changing norms of citizenship for Americans' political engagement. Citizenship norms are shifting from a pattern of duty-based citizenship to engaged citizenship. Using data from the 2005 'Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy' survey of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society (CDACS) I describe these two faces of citizenship, and trace their impact on political participation. Rather than the erosion of participation, this norm shift is altering and expanding the patterns of political participation in America.     

The Impact of Political Debate on Government Trust: Reminding the Public What the Federal Government Does

Americans' confidence in government is low by historical standards. We fielded a national telephone survey to examine influences on government confidence and whether public discontent was affected by altering the salience of specific government operations. We used a question order experiment where we alternated between first asking a general question about confidence in government and first asking about confidence in specific government operations. We found that posing the specific policy questions first elevated general confidence more than the reverse. The largest and most noticeable effects were observed for Republicans and those most knowledgeable and attentive to politics. Findings of context effects and the partisan subgroup differences are consistent with existing theories on public opinion change as well as with previous question order experiments. But, evidence that the cognitive elite was especially influenced by question order challenges previous theories that presumed that its sophistication made it immune to influence. We suggest that education and political knowledge expand rather than contract the opportunities for priming.     

Prejudice and paranoia: a comparative study of antisemitism and Sinophobia in turn-of-the-century Britain

Renshaw examines in comparative terms two of the most virulent manifestations of racial prejudice in early twentieth-century British society. The language of antisemitism and Sinophobia in the Edwardian period and the years preceding the First World War, the similarities and differences in the ways that these two forms of prejudice were articulated, and the overlap between them are analysed. Five strands of anti-Jewish and anti-Chinese sentiment and action are discussed. The first examines how international manifestations of antisemitism and Sinophobia, suspicions aimed at Jews and Chinese as transnational diasporic communities, and perceptions of these minorities, through Russian pogroms, the Boxer Rebellion in China and the post-Boer War economic situation in South Africa, were framed in narratives of victimhood and aggression. Second, the transnational and colonial circuits of racialized discourse and the relationship between periphery and metropole are considered, as are divergences in the articulation of anti-Jewish and anti-Chinese prejudice. The third strand investigates the use of the language of ‘invasion’, used by both the political right and the left in discussing Jewish and Chinese immigration and economic activity in Britain, with Chinese employment in British industries (in this period particularly as sailors on British ships) framed in the context of a demographic ‘Asiatic’ takeover of European societies. The fourth strand looks at the intersection of racial prejudice and sexual and social angst, the visceral association of immigrant groups with dirt and disease, and the sexual threat that racist and antisemitic literature attributed to Jews and Chinese. Finally, physical manifestations of antisemitism and Sinophobia in the period and the racial violence that occurred in Cardiff and Tredegar in 1911 will be described and placed in context. The article positions Edwardian antisemitism and Sinophobia as a transitory stage in the evolution of British racism: a bridge between the separate domestic and colonial forms of prejudice present in late Victorian discourse, and the new manifestations of racism located in British cities and ports, but aimed at non-white minorities, that emerged in the interwar period.     

The anxiety of love: an analysis of recent Chinese popular music

Love between two sexes is a time-honored but commonplace theme in songs that it does not seem to demand scholarly attention. Yet, the manner in which sexual love is expressed in Chinese songs today carries with it the deep stigma of the sea change that has been taking place in recent Chinese culture. The present paper discovers that, as a result of drastic changes in Chinese people’s attitude toward sexual relations, there has been a greater anxiety in songs intended for men to sing, as well as those for women, and manifestations of the anxiety of the loss of love are gender-specific. In “male songs,” paradoxically, the anxiety has been more voiced and apparently with more pain, which is one of the key indicators of the profound change in sexual attitudes in Chinese society.     

The Professional Researcher as Change Agent in the Government–Performance Movement

Although academic and professional publications give the impression that performance measurement is a growing government practice, in actuality the use of this technology is not as deep or as widespread as it may appear. Even when performance measures are used, governments rarely integrate them into planning, budget, personnel, and other management processes. Most professional researchers located primarily in academic institutions, but also in research and government organizations, approach performance measurement as though governmental officials, elected or otherwise, are already sold on its usefulness. Instead, they need to function as "change agents," using a variety of strategies to gain acceptance and understanding of the strengths and limitations of performance measurement. This article draws on the authors' experiences with the Community Benchmarks Program of the Maxwell School in Onondaga County and a review of the current literature. It suggests guidelines for professional researchers who want to increase the use of performance measures by governments at all levels.     

当代中国工人阶级结构变化研究述评

当代中国工人阶级在改革开放新时期经受了巨大冲击和震荡。关注他们的社会命运,追踪其历史流变轨迹,探讨其未来可能的走向,构成理论研究不可或缺的问题域和内容。本文以时间为线索,分三个历史阶段,对当代中国工人阶级结构变化的理论成果进行综述,在理清其基本脉络的基础上进行总结和反思,希望以此为契机,推动相关理论研究进一步走向深入。     

Traditional versus social values as antecedents of racial stereotyping and policy conservatism

Recent studies of racial attitudes have focused on traditional values, such as individualism, as important antecedents of Americans' opinions on racial issues, with mixed results. We focus on another set of values that has its roots in an older research tradition examining the psychological sources of racial prejudice, which suggests that prejudice against blacks is part of a more encompassing set of values regarding one's acceptance of social diversity. We find that these social values—conformity and social intolerance—are much stronger predictors of racial stereotypes and racial policy attitudes than traditional values of individualism and equalitarianism. We also find these social values to condition an ethnocentric response toward international outgroups in a domain as diverse as foreign affairs, thus providing additional evidence of the pervasive and general nature of values related to a rejection of diversity. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings for future research.The order of the authors' names was decided by the toss of a coin.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association in San Francisco, August 30, 1990.     

观念的嬗变体系的归一--中国近代科学思想体系的形成历程

机械论是近代科学世界观的核心观点,中国古代科学转变为近代科学的突出标志就是接受了机械论思想.以中国传统的气本论为语境接受基础,以象数论为解释西学的中介手段,以接受西方机械论思想体系为目标,中国思想家形成了一套以气本论-象数论-机械论为特色的科学思想理论观点,反映了中国古代科学思想体系向近代科学思想体系转变的历程.     

How stable is party identification?

This essay refines and extends our argument (Green and Palmquist, 1990) that net of the distorting effects of measurement error, Americans' partisanship tends to be highly stable over time. Three challenges to this thesis are addressed. In response to doubts about the generalizability of our earlier findings to panel studies of longer duration or from other eras, we show that nine multi-wave panel studies yield similar results. Next, we take up the question of whether our model can account for observed patterns of partisan conversion. The rate of party-switching forces some modifications in the statistical assumptions used to model party identification over time, but a revised model which can account for inter-party change reproduces earlier findings of partisan stability. Third, we grapple with the question of how our findings square with fluctuations in what has been termed macropartisanship. We suggest that aggregate shifts in party identification need not be incompatible with strong over-time correlations at the individual level. Finally, we develop a simulation of micropartisanship to illustrate that over long stretches of time very gradual changes in partisanship can accumulate to produce appreciable levels of micropartisan change.Donald Philip Green, Yale University.Bradley Palmquist, Harvard University.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, September 3–6, 1992.