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The following is an edited version of the proceedings of a symposium sponsored by the Middle East Policy Council on May 26, 1994, in the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington, DC. Former Senator George McGovern, President of the Council, introduced the panel; Thomas R. Mattair, the Councis Director of Research and Policy Analysis, was the organizer and moderator; Michael Collins Dunn, Senior Analyst of The International Estimate, Inc., and editor of its biweekly newsletter, The Estimate, was the discussant.  相似文献   

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The following papers were the basis for a panel at the annual meeting of the Association of Arab American University Graduates (AAUG) in Washington, D.C., October 23, 1993. See below for the participants' affiliations  相似文献   

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Rob Johnson 《亚洲事务》2017,48(3):471-487
The First World War in the Middle East swept away five hundred years of Ottoman dominion. It ushered in new ideologies and radicalized old ones – from Arab nationalism and revolutionary socialism to impassioned forms of atavistic Islamism. It created heroic icons, like the enigmatic Lawrence or the modernizing Atatürk, and it completely re-drew the map of the region, forging a host of new nation states, For many, the self-serving intervention of these powers in the region between 1914 and 1919 is the major reason for the conflicts that have raged there on and off ever since. Yet many of the most common assertions about the First World War in the Middle East and its aftermath are devoid of context. This article argues that, far from being a mere sideshow to the war in Europe, the Middle Eastern conflict was in fact the centre of gravity in a war for imperial interests. Moreover, contrary to another persistent myth of the First World War in the Middle East, local leaders and their forces were not simply the puppets of the Great Powers. The way in which these local forces embraced, resisted, succumbed to, disrupted, or on occasion overturned the plans of the imperialist powers for their own interests in fact played an important role in shaping the immediate aftermath of the conflict – and in laying the foundations for the troubled Middle East.  相似文献   

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Charles Tripp 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):393-409
The author looks at the relationship between art and power and the ways in which resistance to power is manifested in art. This is a universal phenomenon, but the examples discussed are all from the Middle East, principally the Palestinian struggle, Iran, Lebanon and Iraq. Posters, graffiti etc all have their place and the events of the Arab Spring have shown the potential for the defacement of official public images as an act of defiance. The precise impact of these various art forms is not easy to measure, but clearly when someone can tear down the image of a president with impunity, something in political life has changed.  相似文献   

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Ivor Lucas 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):78-83
This article considers five books about western countries' actions and policies in the Middle East over the twentieth century and beyond. The British with their mandates in Iraq, Palestine and Jordan, and the French in Syria and Lebanon, employed similar techniques. The role of the British in Palestine comes in for a deal of criticism By the time the Americans took over the dominant role in the region, the policy challenge was rather different. But the mistakes the Americans made were just as serious and the lessons of history were too often ignored.  相似文献   

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Bijan Omrani 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):177-195
A historical survey which covers firstly, the various attempts to establish a satisfactory boundary between the settled lands of India and the mountain areas to the North; secondly, the negotiations from which the Durand line emerged as the boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan; thirdly, the status of the Tribal areas in Pakistan and the border areas more generally, and why so many of the obstacles to change seem to be the very elements which only change can resolve.  相似文献   

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Hang Nguyen 《亚洲事务》2016,47(3):465-470
This essay analyses the foundations and future of the Vietnam-US partnership. It shows that Vietnam and the United States have sought to broaden and deepen the bilateral relations in three main areas: (i) trade and investment relations, (ii) political and security relations, and (iii) people-to-people cooperation. These areas continue to be the pillars for Vietnam and the United States to build up their ties. Given China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and the United States rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, Vietnam and the United States will become closer and will work together to add strategic values to their partnership.  相似文献   

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