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1.
历史周期率是黄炎培基于家、国、团体兴衰现象向毛泽东提出的历史问题。就中国共产党来说,历史周期率与两个阶级、两条道路、两种社会制度的斗争联系在一起。中国共产党长期执政的地位和使命与跳出历史周期率合二为一。以毛泽东为核心的中国共产党对跳出历史周期率开辟出航道。跳出历史周期率、实现长期执政,是新时代中国共产党接续探索的课题。从根本上说,跳出历史周期率问题伴随统筹推进“四个伟大”的历史进程。全面从严治党是新时代党跳出历史周期率的战略举措和成功实践。以自我革命精神推进党的建设伟大工程,永葆党的先进性和纯洁性,把党锻炼成坚强的马克思主义政党,是破解历史周期率的治本之策。  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

Xi Jinping has concentrated his power since he acceded to the Chinese presidency. Where will Xi bring China? In this review essay I discuss four single-authored books – one in English and three in Japanese – to explore security implications of Xi’s reform and foreign policies. In her recent book, Elizabeth Economy is critical of Xi, arguing that he is turning away from Deng Xiaoping’s reform and internationalist policies. The three Japanese China specialists concur, and further highlight the interconnectedness of domestic politics and international relations. In sum, the four books show that Xi has struggled to commit to the state-owned enterprise reform and to cooperative foreign policy due to Chinese domestic politics, and as a result, has threatened regional security in the Asia-Pacific.  相似文献   

3.
新加坡人民行动党执政模式分析   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
新加坡政党政治最为显著的特征是人民行动党一党长期执政.新加坡政党政治的特征和政治文明的成就,使得新加坡人民行动党成为便于借鉴和值得借鉴的执政模式.新加坡人民行动党的执政模式主要表现为:(1)一党独大、多党竞争的政党关系模式;(2)代表全国利益、反映各方意见的政党立场模式;(3)以权制权、以法治权的权力制衡模式;(4)主动"猎人"、科学选人的人才选用模式;(5)老一代主动退位让贤、新一代"自行决定"领袖的权力交接模式.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

Debates about China's national strategy have surprisingly overlooked an important source: the national strategy as formulated by China's leaders themselves. This article explains how the ruling Communist Party of China formulates its equivalent of a national strategy – defined as the nation's desired end state and guidance on supporting objectives, ways, and means. It explores the current national strategy as published in widely available official documents such as the Communist Party Constitution and Party Congress Work Report, the most recent version of which dates from the 17th Party Congress in 2007. The article considers some implications for observers and policymakers.  相似文献   

5.
冷战后缅甸的对华政策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在冷战期间,中国对缅甸采取党对党、政府对政府的双重政策。1988 年缅甸发生政治动乱后,中国终止了对缅共的支持。1989 年4 月缅共因发生内讧而解体,年迈的领导人被遗弃,这一中缅关系中的敏感问题不复存在。鉴于共同的世界观,中缅双方高层人员往来频繁。双方高级将领也经常互访,以加强缅军与中国人民解放军之间的人事关系  相似文献   

6.
中国共产党历经百年奋斗实践,意识形态话语权建构已成为一项系统工程伴随其发展的全过程。意识形态话语权作为意识形态建设中的一个子系统,对维护国家政权稳定、有效引导社会发展、正确规范个体行为具有重要的意义。值此建党百年之际,回顾总结中国共产党在成立、发展和建设过程中争夺、探索、提升、升华意识形态话语权的百年历史进程,能够获得宝贵的经验和深刻的启示。新时代,党的意识形态话语权建构要加强和完善党的意识形态话语主体的建设,拓展和丰富党的意识形态话语内容的广度,探索和创新党的意识形态话语载体的运用,以及实现对党的意识形态话语场域的净化。  相似文献   

7.
苏共中央总书记戈尔巴乔夫于 1985-1990 年间,进行了苏共领导层干部的选拔和任命方面的改革.通过研究苏联以及地区(以俄联邦 7 个主体为例)领导层,旨在回答一系列具有现实意义的政治学问题.戈尔巴乔夫用哪些方法形成了党内的职位等级制度?其"精英工程"的意义何在?其干部政策的动员和革新意向之间有何种相互关系?戈尔巴乔夫的干部政策实为"干部的迭次更换"和党内选举的一种结合.这两种实施干部政策的制度使得苏共急速瓦解,是苏联行政管理去党化的第一次浪潮.  相似文献   

8.
习近平关于高压反腐重要论述有着丰富的理论内涵,其核心涵盖了从严治党、有贪必肃、筑牢防线、标本兼治,把权力关进制度的笼子里等内容。党的十八大以来,习近平高压反腐重要论述在实践中取得了卓越成效,党内法规日益完善、党风逐渐好转,反腐败的方式方法得到创新、巡视工作不断加强,国际追逃追赃工作取得了令人瞩目的成就,反腐败斗争取得了压倒性胜利。当然我们决不能因为胜利就可以松口气,从严治党永远在路上。未来要继续深入贯彻习近平关于高压反腐重要论述,需要一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的长效机制,进一步强化对“一把手”的监督,制度治党与思想教育相结合,党内监督与党外监督相结合。  相似文献   

9.
2011年年初,越南共产党召开了具有划时代意义的第十一届全国代表大会,大会通过了《2011—2015五年的方向和任务》、《2011—2020年经济社会发展战略》等文件,制订了未来五年具体的经济奋斗目标。本文以本次会议为契机,以会议所通过的一系列决议为基础,以现行经济政策为参照系,全面分析在未来五年中越南政治经济改革走向以及将因此而面临的种种机遇与挑战。  相似文献   

10.
The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.  相似文献   

11.
习近平在宁德地区工作期间大力推进闽东地区经济发展、脱贫致富,同时也十分重视抓党的政治建设,强调必须坚持马克思主义的指导地位,增强为人民服务的党性观念;加强党的政治领导,充分发挥党组织的核心作用;从严治党,清廉从政,把廉政建设引向深入;坚持走群众路线,练好密切联系群众这个基本功。习近平在宁德期间关于党的政治建设的理论思考,对于当前中国共产党加强党的政治建设具有十分重要的时代价值。  相似文献   

12.
Wachman  Alan M. 《East Asia》2005,22(2):31-55
Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”  相似文献   

13.
Lennox B. Lee 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):280-294
There have always been factions within the Chinese Communist Party. Four recent books on China show that the pragmatic basis for the Party's continuing rule is the success of its economic policies and the preservation of law and order. Economic progress has been remarkable, but the political system is not well suited to cope with popular resentment at corruption and the abuse of power by officials. Nor is the concept of. Human Rights well understood. But with more and more |Chinese students studying overseas and the influence of the internet, ideas and influences from abroad are bound to be reflected in the increasing debate about the future of the political system. The recent dismissal and disgrace of Bo Xilai lifts the curtain on the realities of the struggle for power at the top. But a far greater challenge would arise if there were to be any marked and prolonged slowing of economic growth.  相似文献   

14.
With the end of the Cold War and the further opening of archives, the role of Western communist parties and their relationship with the former Soviet Union has been the subject of fresh scrutiny. This article examines the conviction of the British Labour Government and its security services that the Communist Party of Great Britain represented, at least in the early Cold War period, a "very present menace". The article discusses the policies of the Soviet Union in Europe and the Communist Party in Britain and explores how these shaped the perspectives of the Attlee Government, especially during the London dock strike of 1949. When placed against this background, Attlee's anti-communism can no longer be accepted, as most commentators do, as simply a product of Cold War paranoia.  相似文献   

15.
Current geopolitical dynamics in East Asia is generated by the US rebalancing and China’s counterbalancing. The US rebalancing has so far ended in an encircling of China, whereas China counteracts to extend into the seas and the lands as typified by the Belt and Road Initiative and assertive activities in the South China Sea. China under Xi Jinping’s leadership has set up a new guideline of ‘great power foreign policy’ (大国外交) to realize Xi Jinping’s ambitious vision of ‘China dream’. As delivered in the ‘New Model of Great Power Relations’, China under Xi Jinping’s leadership seeks clearly for ‘regional dominance’, while for ‘global balance’ with the USA. With rebalancing, however, the USA seeks to restore power balance in East Asia by adding up to military and economic resources already deployed there. By doing so, the USA aims to achieve its strategic goal of ‘regional balance’, while maintaining ‘global dominance’. These two distinct strategic goals, regional dominance and global balance for China and regional balance and global dominance for the USA, interact to result in currently transforming geopolitics in East Asia.  相似文献   

16.
Since taking power, the new Chinese President Xi Jinping has talked of “striving for achievements,” signaling a new theme in Chinese diplomacy. This article first examines the changes in Beijing’s foreign policy structure before moving on to examine the three major schools of thought on China’s immediate relations with its neighbors, implying that the policy focus will lie with the “advance westward” school. Moreover, this article highlights how China is maximizing its influence through economic interaction, whilst noting that economics is also being used to punish hostile countries. Furthermore, it notes that China’s next step is to influence change using the multilateral frameworks of the international system, remolding global rules to China’s benefit. The article concludes by examining Beijing’s leadership role, particularly its commitment to non-alliance, and whether Beijing and Washington can rebuild a more suitable model to reflect both country’s ambitions on the world stage.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

Why would a woman agree to wed a legally married man when the state would neither recognize her marriage nor grant her alimony, child support or inheritance rights? Although the Communist Party curtailed the rate of openly acknowledged polygynous marriages among the Kyrgyz, its work was undone by glasnost and perestroika, which ushered in a permissive environment. This article highlights constructions of gender as a driver of polygyny in Kyrgyzstan from the perspective of women who voluntarily become second wives. The Kyrgyz case suggests that the cultural value of marriage and motherhood – traditions that grant women communal identities, power and prestige – might lead a woman to consent to second-wife status. I employ the concept of motivational interconnectivity, defined as two or more related reasons women make important personal decisions that have societal repercussions, to explain a woman’s decision to become a second wife.  相似文献   

18.
Taiwan may be an internal affair but the domestic public opinion is not invited to participate very much in a debate and a decision-making process that have remained confined to the Chinese Communist Party and the military top leadership and, on purpose, involves a very small number of officials and experts. Conservative and nationalist forces do constrain Beijing’s Taiwan policy. And some leaders are tempted to use the Taiwan issue for unrelated domestic or foreign policy purpose. Nevertheless, what is striking is the potential for flexibility in China’s Taiwan policy. While Chinese local governments and companies’ increasing interests in business-as-usual in the Strait and the unbearable cost of any armed conflict tend to narrow the government’s options, concentration of power and the efficiency of the propaganda machine allow it to rather smoothly manage, in particular vis-à-vis the elites’ conservative opinion group as well as its own public opinion, this flexibility.  相似文献   

19.
党的领导核心引领着中国共产党的组织与发展。新时代对于党的领导核心的维护要转换视角,以党员为主体,从认知—情感—意动理论的角度分析党员的心理因素,揭示党员的心理与维护行为的关系。维护的逻辑起点是通过教育手段使党员对自己的身份认知更加清晰,有了自我身份的清醒界定。逻辑衔接点是通过内部的推动力与外部拉动力对党员情感进行调动。逻辑落脚点是党员有了身份自觉,与自上而下的维护要求同向共力,有力的维护领导核心。这种由内而外的维护逻辑更坚定、持久,有助于党的团结稳定和党的事业发展。  相似文献   

20.
纪律严明是中国共产党的一大光荣传统和独特优势。如果梳理党的十八大以来全面从严治党实践特点的话,纪律建设的强化无疑是一大亮点。习近平在强调纪律建设是全面从严治党治本之策的基础上,阐明了把纪律和规矩挺在前面、以严明政治纪律为重点、健全党内法规体系和用好“四种形态”的行动逻辑。这一实践逻辑,蕴含着鲜明的问题意识和正确的解决路径,不仅是全面从严治党的内在重要构成,也从理论上丰富了马克思主义政党学说。  相似文献   

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