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1.
In response to concern about "welfare migration," some stateshave been freezing benefit levels and trying to institute lowerbenefits for newly arrived out-of-state applicants. There isalso evidence that rising welfare rolls lead states not to raisebenefits. Yet, interstate variation in welfare benefits hasnarrowed over the last two decades. There is also evidence thatwhile interstate competition, or comparison of benefit levels,discourages high-benefit states from raising benefits, stateslook more at themselves then they look at each other. The mostsignificant factor affecting AFDC benefit-levels appears tolie in the intergovernmental arrangements for financing publicassistance (i.e., states often allow Food Stamps and Medicaidto substitute for AFDC). In addition, the migration of poorfemale headed families is patterned after the migration of thepopulation in general; they move to where there is job growth.A major political consequence of stressing welfare migrationmay be its symbolic value in reinforcing prejudices againstwelfare recipients.  相似文献   

2.
Sorenson  Leonard R. 《Publius》1992,22(2):109-121
According to James Madison, "the most important and fundamentalquestion" he ever addressed was the meaning of and relationbetween the general welfare clause and the enumeration of particularpowers. This question is the most "fundamental" because theanswer determines the very "idea" or "nature" of the U.S. Constitution.Commentators virtually agree on the answer Madison proposedand defended in Federalist 41, namely, that the general welfareclause is neither a statement of ends nor a substantive grantof power. It is a mere "synonym" for the enumeration of particularpowers, which are limited and wholly define its content. Fromthis answer, it follows that the primary meaning of the nationaldimension of the federal Constitution is limited government,understood as a government with a limited number of powers ormeans. The thesis of this essay, however, is that, contraryto the commentators' claims, Madison argued that the clausewas a substantive grant of power for the generally stated endand that the primary purpose of the ensuing enumeration wasto define more particularly the ends alluded to by the phrase"general welfare." Hence, the meaning of the general constitutionalgovernment in the American federal system is a government orientedto a limited number of limited ends.  相似文献   

3.
哈萨克斯坦是一个典型的多民族国家。作为原苏联的加盟共和国,其独立前的民族政策属于原苏联民族政策的一部分。而原苏联民族政策的焦点主要是民族自决、国家结构形式与俄罗斯化问题。哈萨克斯坦独立后,吸取原苏联民族政策的一些经验教训,同时为了维护国家统一与社会稳定,积极推行强化哈萨克族主体性的政策,倡导文化多元化、努力淡化民族意识。哈萨克斯坦的民族政策总体来说取得了一定的成效,较好地维护了哈萨克斯坦稳定、和谐与发展。其民族政策中的强化哈萨克语政策、强化主体民族历史传统的政策、国家统一前提下的民族文化自治政策、强化公民意识的政策、塑造统一哈萨克斯坦文化的政策等值得深思。  相似文献   

4.
Although federalism is a potentially important variable in democratization,few studies explore its impact in democratic transitions andconsolidation. Scholars generally agree that federalism is quitestrong in contemporary Brazil. This study examines how and whystrong federalism reemerged in Brazil following twenty yearsof centralizing military rule. In brief, the 1964–1985military regime tried but failed to transform the state-basedorganizational structure and power base of Brazil's traditionalpolitical elite; Brazil's "transitional" electoral cycle alsoreinforced the strength of state governors. Examples are providedof how subnational actors influenced the transition processin the national government and how state based actors and interestschallenge Brazil's efforts to consolidate its democracy.  相似文献   

5.
Loughlin  John 《Publius》1996,26(4):141-162
There is a close connection between regionalism, federalism,and the movement to create a united federal Europe. The recentmovement to create a "Europe of the Regions" is one expressionof these connections. However, there are many kinds of regions,and certain forms of regional policy that may not necessarilybe an expression of either regionalism or European federalism.It might be said, nevertheless, that a "Europe of the Regions"is emerging in the weaker sense that, in today s Europe, significantchanges are taking place in the nature and functions of thenation-state. These changes are providing new opportunitiesfor regions to become more important policy actors in a widerEuropean context. The nation-state, however, is unlikely todisappear.  相似文献   

6.
The "federal character" principle, which has been enshrinedin Nigeria's Constitution since 1979, seeks to ensure that appointmentsto public service institutions fairly reflect the linguistic,ethnic, religious, and geographic diversity of the country.Application of the principle in the federal civil service andthe military has amounted to a confused balancing of the meritprinciple and the quota system, based essentially on statesof origin. This has had adverse consequences for both institutionsin terms of discipline, morale, and overall effectiveness andefficiency. Faithful implementation of universal primary educationand imaginative rehabilitation of secondary and tertiary educationare required to ensure equal opportunities for all citizensto compete for civil service positions on the basis of merit.With regard to the military, only rapid implementation of theconstitutional provision on compulsory military training anda definitive end to military rule can help to reduce the salienceof the "federal character" principle.  相似文献   

7.
King (1989) presented the "Generalized Event Count" (GEC) modelas a means of dealing with event count data when the analystis unsure whether the data are "underdispersed" or "overdispersed."Here I establish several useful properties of the GEC modeland make some practical suggestions for estimation.  相似文献   

8.
Kazee  Thomas A. 《Publius》1983,13(1):131-139
This article examines effects of the "open-elections" law passedby the Louisiana legislature in 1975. The law eliminated traditionalclosed party primaries, creating instead, an open-electionssystem that requires all candidates, regardless of party affiliation,to appear on the same ballot. By and large, the new system hasnot had a significant effect on party competition, party success,or voter turnout in Louisiana.  相似文献   

9.
Schmitt  Gary J. 《Publius》1987,17(2):7-25
Thomas Jefferson's varied and divergent statements concerningthe nature and extent of executive power seem to defy interpretation.Evidence can be gathered to support the proposition that Jeffersonwas a determined foe of Hamilton's conception of the chief executiveor that he was an active partisan of that view. The argumentof this article is that as opportunities arose, Jefferson setout to revise the public understanding of the formal powersof the president and, in so doing, moved away from his earlierposition on the extent of those powers. Jefferson's purposewas to check what he perceived to be the dangerous "monarchic"designs of the Federalists and, in turn, reinvigorate the republicanspirit of the regime. At the same time, Jefferson did not discardhis appreciation for the necessity of resorting at times toan enlarged executive authority. How Jefferson set about tobalance these elements in his revised conception of the presidencyraises in a direct fashion key questions about the role of executivepower in a popular government dedicated to the rule of law.  相似文献   

10.
Allen  Christopher S. 《Publius》1989,19(4):147-164
This article examines corporatist theory (business, labor, governmentinteraction) in the context of regional governments and economicpolicy in the Federal Republic of Germany. West German regionalgovernments, far more than the federal government, have actedto shape industrial adjustment and enhance international competitiveness.Corporatist theory is analyzed in the context of its evolutionfrom a macro to a meso variant, which attempts to address sector-andregion-specific forms of economic dislocation. The new meso-corporatistapproach is found insufficient because it looks only at privateinterests and neglects the regional politics of industrial adjustment.The very different "meso-political" patterns of adjustment areexamined here in a synthetic review of recent research on economicpolicymaking in Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, and North-RhineWestphalia. Meso-corporatism may still prove useful theoretically,but only if it includes the role of regional governments.  相似文献   

11.
A recent article by Barry Burden in Political Analysis alertsus to a steadily increasing gap during presidential electionyears between self-reported turnout in the NES (National ElectionStudies) and "official turnout" figures based on the voting-agepopulation (VAP), and points to declining response rates asa culprit. Changing the baseline from the VAP to the VEP (voting-eligiblepopulation) significantly changes these conclusions, and pointto panel effects as a culprit. The rise in the gap was not linear,but it does emerge rather suddenly in 1996. Gaps between NESself-reported turnout and VEP estimates are higher in presidentialelection years than in off-years, and self-reported turnoutis higher among long-term panel participants than among cross-sectionrespondents in multielection panels.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the bloc of U.S. Supreme Court justicesthat produced the "pro-state" decisions in United States v.Lopez, Seminole Tribe of Florida v. Florida, and Printz v. UnitedStates. We are concerned primarily with the bloc's coherenceand consistency across other cases of interest to state governmentsover the 1994–1996 terms. The labeling of individual justicesand the Court in general as "pro-state" depends in part on thecases subjected to analysis; the greater the inclusiveness ofthe list of "cases of interest to the states, " the more thebloc seems to fray and the less coherent the Court's direction.  相似文献   

13.
马克思主义哲学在当代   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
必须克服以斯大林教科书为范本的“辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义”体系及其模式的缺陷.重新焕发起马克思主义哲学的生机,使之继续走在人类文明的前列。必须因应中国马克思主义哲学理论和实践发展的要求.探索建立马克思主义哲学当代中国化的形态,走向马克思主义哲学发展的新高度。  相似文献   

14.
Tannenwald  Robert 《Publius》1998,28(1):23-48
From an economist's perspective, the fiscal and administrativegoals of the so-called "devolution revolution" include lessfederal intergovernmental aid, especially if fiscally equalizing;the substitution of block grants for matching grants; greateradministrative flexibility for the states; and fewer underfundedmandates. This article uses these devolulionary yardsticks toanalyze the major provisions of the federal Balanced BudgetAct of 1997. These provisions fall far short of a "devolutionrevolution." The act increases the level of federal assistance,leaves Medicaid as an open-ended entitlement, and preservesa strong role for the federal government in shaping intergovernmentalgrants. The article discusses the political forces moderatingthe act's devolutionary impact.  相似文献   

15.
16.
Papadopoulos  Yannis 《Publius》2002,32(3):47-66
Heterogeneous Switzerland is often portrayed as a model of successfulnation-building. Two major institutions ensure the representationof federal units within the federal political system: the Councilof States branch of the bicameral legislature, and the "doublemajority" of popular and cantonal votes needed in constitutionalreferenda. It was expected that both mechanisms would countercentrifugal forces possibly created by the self-government ofsubnational groups. Historical analysis shows, however, thatsince these institutions were established, some important socialtransformations have occurred, with perverse effects on minorityrepresentation and on cleavage accommodation. The Council ofStates has come to amplify the influence of established politicalforces, instead of defending minority influence. The "doublemajority" now gives excessive veto power to minorities no longersocially relevant, at the expense of newer, more needy groups.National cohesion and consensus democracy, in short, risk beingeroded rather than strengthened by these core institutions ofthe Swiss federal system.  相似文献   

17.
Engstrom  Richard L. 《Publius》1986,16(4):109-122
In 1982, Section 2 of the U.S. Voting Rights Act was amendedto allow plaintiffs to prevail in voting rights litigation ifthey demonstrate that a challenged law or practice has a discriminatoryresult. One of the first applications of this new statutoryprovision invalidated a congressional districting plan for theNew Orleans metropolitan area, a plan that had divided the city'sblack population virtually in half. This article reviews boththe making and the unmaking of that plan, derisively known asthe "gerryduck." Although the judicial action invalidating thisexercise in racial cartography demonstrates the potential importanceof this new section of the VRA as a legal weapon against minorityvote dilution, the results test provides federal judges withenormous discretion, and the application of the test may thereforebe quite capricious.  相似文献   

18.
Ferrazzi  Gabriele 《Publius》2000,30(2):63-85
Indonesia cast off Dutch-imposed federalism in favor of a unitarystate. Soeharto's centralization made federalism taboo in theNew Order. In the current reform period, however, the conceptis re-emerging, but federalism has yet to be discussed in anopen, inclusive, and balanced manner. Decentralization policyis focused on the district, neglecting the political demandsof the larger province. This policy is accompanied by a confusedand misleading official discourse that is consistent with theideology of power retention and maintenance of patrimonial governance.As a result of greater democratization of the polity, federalismis slowly entering official discourse. Although its prospectsin the short term remain dim, support may grow for federal principleswithin Indonesia's unitary structure.  相似文献   

19.
石中晨 《学理论》2009,(8):102-103
“死亡”作为女性诗歌的“主题语象”,实践着与生命的自动同构,承载着具有内在深度模式的“个人化”认知。死亡感觉的残留生成转化为独特的美学内涵。通过对死亡意象的象征信码进行解读,深刻体认女性诗歌形而下的死亡哲学。  相似文献   

20.
Torsten Selck 《政治学》2004,24(2):79-87
This article maps out the state of affairs of the academic literature which uses procedural spatial voting models to explain legislative decision-making in the European Union. Employing Tsebelis's (1994 ) article in which the author models the Union's co-operation procedure and using it as a reference point, I show that there is no clarity yet as to which of the several existing procedural model specifications yields the most convincing results. I conclude by suggesting how the current situation could be improved, and that procedural modelling might be integrated with other rational choice theory for a better understanding of the ongoing evolution of the policymaking instruments in the European Union.  相似文献   

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