新形势下加强大学生入党积极分子培养的思考

市场化改革的不断深化和社会转型的加剧,使大学生入党积极分子培养与管理面临新的机遇和挑战。而传统的培训方式单一滞后,培训效果弱化,培训资源短缺,培养缺乏连续性,评价体系科学化水平不够,考察机制不健全等,难以适应这种挑战。为此,必须进一步提高思想认识,深化培训内涵,优化培养形式,丰富培训资源,拓宽教育渠道,健全考察机制,完善考评体系,形成大学生入党积极分子的立体化培养格局。     

高校党校大学生入党积极分子培训存在的问题及对策

高校党校大学生入党积极分子培训,是学员学习和理解党的理论知识的重要途径,是端正学员入党动机的有效方式,是提高学员党性修养的锻炼过程。通过对当前大学生入党积极分子培训现状的分析,提出大学生入党积极分子培训存在的问题,并找到相应的解决措施,对抓好高校入党积极分子培训有重要意义。     

关于独立学院入党积极分子培养的一些思考

独立学院入党积极分子培养教育作为高校党建中的一项重要内容,对大学生党员发展质量至关重要,随着独立学院的数量不断增加,在校生人数不断升高,在对入党积极分子培养中也暴露出很多问题,提出相应的解决措施如下:扩宽培养途径,理论和实践相结合;规范培训内容,重视积极分子的思想教育;加强组织管理,提高积极分子的自律性;丰富考察方法,健全积极分子的考察机制。     

学分制背景下入党积极分子培养创新探析

高校入党积极分子培养教育与党员队伍建设息息相关,高校的基层党组织应创新对入党积极分子全方位的培养管理和考察模式。本文结合新时期大学生入党积极分子的思想特点,创新基础级、推动级、提高级、强化级和拓展级的分级管理模式并分析其在实践过程中对于入党积极分子队伍建设的推动作用,激发入党积极分子的内在潜能,引领其学习与成长,确保入党积极分子真正成为高校党组织的中坚力量。     

以体验式教学创新大学生入党积极分子培训模式

入党积极分子培养的质量直接影响到大学生党员发展的质量,培训是大学生入党积极分子端正入党动机的有效方式,也是提高党性认识的锻炼过程。当代大学生渴望有信仰,他们信息量大,思维活跃,易于接受新的教育方式和理念。而传统的灌输式培训,形式单一,载体不够丰富,很难调动学生积极性,难以保证培训效果。新形势下,入党积极分子培训应该紧跟时代潮流,赋予时代特色,才能充分调动学生参与的积极性。体验式教学正是顺应时代要求的一种教育模式,它关注学生的情感和兴趣,可以让整个培训过程更加丰富多彩[1]。     

大学生入党积极分子培养状况的调查与分析

通过发放试卷、座谈等形式,在进行深入调研的基础上,剖析了大学生积极分子在考察、培养过程中存在的各种问题,并针对大学生入党积极分子特点,提出了从发现、培养和教育等多方面的建议与启示如下:入党积极分子的主流是非常好的;学生党建工作,也是高校学风和校风建设的重要组成部分;大学生入党积极分子的培养教育工作是一项长期并与时俱进的工作。     

对高职生入党积极分子党性教育方法的探讨

加强对高职生入党积极分子的党性教育对于社会主义事业和高职生的健康成长意义重大。目前，我国高职院校中存在着学生接受党性教育观念淡薄和党校教育特色不够突出等问题，加强高职生入党积极分子的党性教育必须抓住时代特征，紧密结合大学生学习、生活的实际，更新教育内容，尊重学生的主体性，创新教育形式，打破“封闭武”教育，丰富教育载体。     

中铁十六局二处坚持10年举办入党积极分子培训班

近日，中铁十六局二处为期一周的第１０届入党积极分子培训班结业，２６名学员深有同感：学与不学大不一样。该处自１９９０年以来，每年坚持举办入党积极分子培训班，对要求入党积极分子进行党的发展历史、基本知识、社会主义初级阶段理论和理想、信念的教育。为确保学员质量，由组织部根据个人自荐、群众反映、基层党委意见，挑选出扎根本职岗位，默默奉献并取得成绩的青年技术干部、老职工参加培训。培训内容包括开学摸底测验、集中听课、看电教片、结业考试和个人填写鉴定表等。中铁十六局二处坚持10年举办入党积极分子培训班@张利波 …     

高校党校培养入党积极分子的效果研究——以中国地质大学为例

高校党校是培养入党积极分子的重要渠道,是培养社会主义合格建设者和可靠接班人的重要摇篮,是适应加强高等学校党的建设和思想政治工作的需要,具有不可替代的地位和作用。经过二十多年的探索,高校党校的建设与发展取得了一定的成果,但仍存在许多问题,因此对于高校党校培养入党积极分子的效果探究尤为重要。通过对我校大学生入党积极分子培训状况的问卷调查,分析提出其中的问题及产生问题的原因,并提出提高高校党校培养入党积极分子的效果的建议。     

入党积极分子培养联系人的指定工作应当完善

入党培养联系人的制定工作，是发展党员工作中的一个重要环节。入党积极分子培养联系人的综合素质如何，是否尽心尽责，模范作用怎样等，对提高新发展党员的质量至关重要。发展党员工作程序中规定：入党积极分子培养联系人，应当由与入党积极分子在工作、学习和生活中经常有密切联系的正式的党员担任，并由党组织指定。     

加强独立学院大学生党员马克思主义信仰教育

青年历来都是中国共产党重视的后备培养力量,而青年学生又是其中的重点,民办高等教育的发展使得高校学生党建工作面临许多新情况和新问题。为此我们需要不断探索,加强高校学生党员马克思主义信仰教育,更好地为党培养后备力量。从某种意义说,大学生党员的信仰问题关乎我党未来的发展方向,因此建立健全大学生党员党性教育和党性锻炼的长效机制,加强马克思主义信仰教育,是新形势下民办高校发展党员的重要内容,具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

新型政党制度所蕴含的中国智慧

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是从中国土壤中生长出来的新型政党制度,充分汲取了中国传统民本智慧、和合智慧、包容智慧,展现出了无与伦比的内在优越性,实现了群众根本利益与群体特殊利益的有机统一、实现了政党关系的非对称性和谐、实现了通过政党协商进行科学民主决策、实现了集中力量办大事,从而克服了垄断型一党制和竞争型两党制、多党制的固有弊端。作为和谐型多党制的新型政党制度充分展现了中国智慧,为世界政党制度发展与进步提供了新方向和新选择。     

Towards a professional civil service in post‐transition Romania

To what degree and under what conditions can a young democracy build a competent, politically neutral public bureaucracy? A crucial component of the transition from communist party rule to democracy is the creation of a professional civil service. Success along this dimension of state‐building generates administrative capacity: non‐elected public officials ensure the implementation of reforms initiated by political leaders. In the communist party‐led regimes of Eastern Europe, forging this new administrative class from its highly politicised predecessor took place as new democracies sought to overcome historical legacies and integrate with the European Union. A case study of administrative reform in Romania during the post‐1989 period suggests the importance of external influences in forming a civil service more closely adhering to the Weberian ideal of an expert, rules‐based bureaucracy. Through analysis of survey data from a nationally representative sample of the Romanian civil servants, the public bureaucracy has professionalised insofar as educational and training credentials rather than political affiliation are significant predictors of salary levels. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Memory and partisan identity: the case of the French Communist Party

Abstract. The French Communist Party pays particular attention to the writing and the recounting of its own history. Its militants consent often to an important training effort. The understanding of historical memory by the dimension which connects French Communism to 'true socialism', would prohibit reasoning which would have an objective of re-instating the memory of French Communists as an element of a partisan identity, rather than the falsification of which the nature of history might have been the object. Maurice Halbwach's notion of 'collective memory' fits this project. Consequently, some elements of the party's historical memory, especially autobiographies of communist party leaders, are compared to the opinions or life experiences collected from militants. In this comparison between published memories and oral life stories, models and constant themes appear. But one must also insist on the discrepancies between interviews, and on the differences between life stories and published autobiographies. If autobiographies provided life patterns founded on invariable elements and methods of historical interpretation, other factors were of influence, such as how long the subject has belonged to the party, the family continuity in the partisan group, school background.     

The Norwegian Communist Party in the Immediate Postwar Period*

The main purpose of this article is to argue the importance of combining several approaches in studies of communist parties: socio-economic structures, competitive relations to other left wing parties, organizational implantation, and the role of political tradition. The present ecological analysis will particularly emphasize the organizational approach and the importance of political tradition. In keeping with Allardt's and Lipset's theories, socio-economic structure seemed to a great extent to be a necessary condition for communist strength in this period. Both significant employment in industry and/or forestry and a strong social democratic party turned out to be necessary conditions for communist strength, but only when we analysed the ‘historical’ and organizational dimensions in more detail were we able to determine more accurately the areas of strong electoral support of the Norwegian Communist Party.     

The Relationship between Media and Political Agendas: Variations across Decision-Making Phases

This article examines the patterns of party patronage in post-communist Europe and provides an explanation for the varying practices observed by stressing the institutional legacies of the past. Drawing on the distinction between different types of communist regimes, it formulates three hypotheses concerning the extent, underlying motivations and intra-party control of patronage which guide the empirical analysis. It then clarifies the key concepts and discusses the methodology and data used in the article. Further, the three hypotheses are probed with data collected in a large expert survey in Bulgaria, Hungary and the Czech Republic. In accordance with the hypotheses, these three countries are found to differ in the pervasiveness of patronage within the state institutions, in the reasons why party politicians engage in patronage practices and, to a lesser degree, in the intra-party mechanisms of controlling and distributing patronage. It is argued that this variation can be, at least partially, attributed to the nature of the communist regimes in the countries under study.     

The development of an interest group system in a constrained democracy: Montenegro

This article is the first comprehensive examination of Montenegro's interest group system. This system is a product of a combination of traditional influences and recent developments. The major traditional influences are a closed, patriarchal society with strong family and kinship relations, and a nonparticipatory political culture. These combined with over a quarter century of dominance by the ex‐communist party have been major impediments to the growth of interest group activity. Despite this, significant developments have occurred in the establishment of new interests and their activities, much of this made possible by the strong presence of various elements of the international community. Nevertheless, Montenegro has a bifurcated interest group system in which a small elite dominates interest group activity, while, for the most part, the mass of society do not participate in political advocacy.     

Partisan Sorting and Niche Parties in Europe

Earlier research has concluded that European citizens do not update their Left–Right policy preferences or their party attachments in response to the content of parties’ election manifestos – i.e. partisan sorting is not observed in the mass public in response to shifts in the Left–Right tone of these manifestos. Here we extend this research to analyse whether we observe partisan sorting patterns that correspond with political experts’ perceptions of parties’ Left–Right policy shifts. Given that these experts plausibly consider all pertinent information when estimating parties’ Left–Right orientations – including party elites’ speeches, elite interviews, coalition behaviour, and legislative voting patterns – such a finding would imply that citizens do weigh the wider informational environment when updating their Left–Right orientations and their party support, even if they do not attach great weight to the parties’ policy manifestos. Our analyses provide support for this hypothesis with respect to niche parties, i.e. green, communist, and radical right parties, but not for mainstream parties.     

Electoral trends and the Italian Communist Party in the 1970s

Abstract. During the 1970s the Italian Communist Party had, contrary to the preceding decades, extremely variable electoral results. In this article, trends in the communist vote in the 1970s are studied, through an ecological analysis of electoral results in the Italian provinces. It also takes into account the organizational presence of the party and the socioeconomic characteristics of the electorate. The central thesis is that in the 1970s the Communist vote is different from both previous and subsequent results not only quantitatively, but also qualitatively, in as much as it is characterized by different connotations and explanatory factors.     

马克思是如何阐述共产主义前提条件的?

共产主义的前提条件是什么?如何才能实现共产主义?这既是国际共产主义运动中难以回避的课题,同时也是社会主义实践或共产党领导执政中必须始终头脑清醒、心中有数的大问题。然而事实上,由于在这方面长期存在模糊认识,导致无论在运动还是实践中极“左”现象时有发生,甚至如同挥之不去的噩梦。文章根据“老祖宗”的有关论述,强调共产主义作为一种客观历史进程,必然要以现代生产力的普遍发展和以人类相互依赖为基础的世界性普遍交往为前提。由“两个普遍”所决定,实现共产主义本质上具有“自然历史”的属性与特征。