邓小平国际战略思想与21世纪中国的国际战略选择

邓小平国际战略思想是在当时的世界形势下审时度势而提出的,它具有鲜明的时代特征和意义。但随着新世纪的到来,国际形势和中国的国内国际环境都发生了新的变化,像任何具有经典意义的思想一样,邓小平国际战略思想也面临着发展与突破的问题。因此如何正确认识它的时代意义与历史合理性,与时俱进,实现其发展与创新,做出21世纪中国的国际战略选择,是我们在现阶段研究邓小平理论思想的新的课题。     

China and North Korea: A fragile relationship of strategic convenience

The common view is that China is North Korea's ally. The two countries share a similar political system and considerable strategic interest in regional international relations. Indeed, this is true to a large extent. This paper, however, analyses the problems in the bilateral relations that are gradually eroding the strategic ties the two countries formed 50 years ago. Its central argument is that, in reality, beneath the surface of the alliance relations the two countries share very few common interests. In fact, the two countries can hardly agree to any matters between them, be it historical ties, ideological stance, political and economic programs, or diplomatic interactions. This heralds an uncertain future for the bilateral relations and thus may further complicate the security situation in the Korean Peninsula.     

Re-interpreting China's Non-intervention Policy towards Myanmar: leverage,interest and intervention

China's non-intervention policy has long been criticized for prolonging the rule of many authoritarian regimes. Myanmar has become one of the classic examples. As China is expected to become a responsible great power, her behavioral patterns have aroused many concerns. This paper aims to re-interpret China's non-intervention policy. While explaining various constraints on China's capability to intervene in the Myanmar government, it shows how China is making efforts to seek a new intervention policy in dealing with countries like Myanmar. It argues that China's insistence on a non-intervention policy does not mean that China does not want to influence other countries such as Myanmar. To assess Chinese leverage and its non-intervention policy toward Myanmar as well as to supplement the current limited academic discussion on Sino–Myanmar relations, in this paper we first examine Chinese leverage in Myanmar through Burmese local politics, such as the power struggle between the central government and local rebel governments. Second, we disaggregate the Chinese interests in Myanmar into different levels (regional, geo-strategic and international) and discuss how these interests affect China's non-intervention policy. Third, we argue that China has indeed tried to intervene in Myanmar politics, but in a softer manner that contrasts with the traditional Western hard interventions, such as economic sanctions and military interference.     

韩国新村运动经验对我国新农村建设的借鉴意义

从20世纪70年代开始,韩国开始了声势浩大的"新村运动".这场运动,使韩国的农村经济有了明显的改善,城乡之间的差距得以明显缩小,成为推动农村发展和繁荣的国际典范.当前我国正在进行新农村建设,面临诸多复杂的问题,很多问题与韩国当年面对的问题非常相似,韩国新村运动的很多经验和方法对我国新农村建设具有重要的启迪和借鉴意义.     

土司时期乌江流域土兵的类型、特点与作用

土兵是以耕种土司占有的兵田为生、以向土司服兵役换取田地耕种权并依附于土司的农奴。可按地域、民族和职任划分为不同类型。乌江流域土兵具有数量的随意性、产生的家族性、训练的纪律性、征调的频繁性等特点。土兵具有平叛、抗倭、保境安民、援辽、征贼及参与仇杀等作用。     

Searching for a New Cultural Identity: China's soft power and media culture today

The paper argues that China's global expansion and calls for its use of soft power are provoking an ideological crisis which is becoming one of the most critical challenges of the present time. Revolutionary ideology legitimated the rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for 60 years, but it has become increasingly at odds with the rapid socio-economic development that began 30 years ago. This paper examines four aspects of contemporary Chinese culture: first the discrepancy between the CCP's ideological rhetoric and its pragmatic policies; second, the fragmentation of the state, the intellectual elite, and the grassroots population in terms of cultural expressions and values; third, the consumer culture which has unleashed materialistic desires; and finally, the emergence of a ‘post-80s’ generation urban youth culture amidst these tension and contradictions.     

韩国首尔市清溪川复兴改造工程的经验借鉴

本文从政治学视角着重介绍与分析韩国首尔市清溪川被污染的背景,复兴改造工程的决策、执行过程以及产生的政治效应,试图探寻清溪川复兴改造中的深层次经验与启示。同时,通过了解协商处理不同利益群体之间的矛盾与纠纷的过程,探讨公民参与是否真能影响政策规划及实施,结果发现政府不再是唯一决策者,公民参与决策提升了整个规划的完整性。     

20世纪50年代的台湾文学场域与媒介

20世纪50年代的台湾文学前承光复后台湾文学的转折,后启60年代文学的兴盛。此时期文学杂志的“民营”状况,副刊非一统的存在状态,都悄然改变了权力场和文学生产场之间的单一支配关系,使控制文学场域的合法逻辑出现了裂隙,并使得作者、编者、读者的性情最大程度地影响文学生产。此种历史境遇中的文学传播,使政治高压下的20世纪50年代仍能涌动起多种文学思潮,也使台湾文学的乡土性、本土性得以延续、流布。20世纪50年代的台湾文学不应在意识形态层面上被看做文学的断裂。     

国际格局变化与领导者的战略思维

国际格局的变化给领导者的启示和要求是多方面的,最重要的是要学会战略思维。在全球化、多极化趋势发展的国际背景下,要求领导者具备改革开放、相依并存、合作协调、竞争双赢等战略思维。     

Innovation,China’s New Motto in the Mobile Era

正IN May 2013,Yu Jianyue left Sohu com after 10 years to join Koala FM,a start-up team developing a smart phone-based radio ap plication.It was one of millions of new apps in China that year.According to a report by China Central Television,the number of apps in Apple’s app store alone surpassed one million in 2013,in cluding 300,000 more than the previou year.     

THREE'S COMPANY China, South Korea and Japan consider freetrade agreement

China,South Korea and Japan agreed to launch formal negotiations on a trilateral free trade area (FTA) later this year.The decision was announced at the Fifth Trilateral Summit Meeting among the three major East Asian economies on May 13 in Beijing.Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao,Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and South Korean President Lee Myung Bak attended the meeting.At a press conference following the meeting,Premier Wen hailed the agreement as an important strategic decision, and appealed to the three nations to make concerted efforts for the early establishment of the FTA.     

20世纪50年代以来台湾经济体制市场化的历程、特点及其影响

在一个既定的理论框架下,本文考察了20世纪50年代以来台湾经济体制市场化的历程和特点,认为20世纪50年代以来台湾以自由化为主旨的体制市场化不仅锻造了微观市场主体,也为工业化的重大进展提供了市场制度保障,从而促使台湾经济快速成长并步入新兴工业化经济体行列。全球化和区域化背景下,经济体间的一体化安排成为微观市场主体经济活动的重要制度保障,而台湾在全球经济和区域经济一体化中的游离态势则无法实现这一组织功能,从而成为其经济困境形成的重要因素。台湾经济要走出困境,必须有效参与区域经济一体化。可行的路径是由国家主体授权或通过与国家主体先行构筑一体化进而参与到更大范围的一体化之中。     

The last governor,Asian values and China's uniqueness

Chris Patten, East and West — The Last Governor of Hong Kong on Power, Freedom and the Future (London: Macmillan, 1998), 304 pp.     

试论世兵制军人地位及其实现机制

世兵制是我国古代一种重要的兵役制度,在其产生发展过程中形成了以兵民分立制、士卒贱民制、身份世袭制、同类婚配制、等级占有制、家庭质任制等为主要内容的系统而严密的军人地位实现机制,导致世兵制军人地位明显呈现出固定化、卑贱化趋势。     

Performance Legitimacy,State Autonomy and China's Economic Miracle

Theories that explain post-Mao China's economic success tend to attribute it to one or several ‘successful’ policies or institutions of the Chinese government, or to account for the success from economic perspectives. This article argues that the success of the Chinese economy relies not just on the Chinese state's economic policy but also on its social policies. Moreover, China's economic success does not merely lie in the effectiveness of any single economic or social policy or institution, but also in the state's capacity to make a policy shift when it faces the negative unintended consequences of its earlier policies. The Chinese state is compelled to make policy shifts quickly because performance constitutes the primary base of its legitimacy, and the Chinese state is able to make policy shifts because it enjoys a high level of autonomy inherited from China's past. China's economic development follows no fixed policies and relies on no stable institutions, and there is no ‘China model’ or ‘Beijing consensus’ that can be constructed to explain its success.     

中国经济转型期的政治稳定:经验、偏失及其修正

在我国 ,政治稳定一直被看成经济转型的前提条件和目标函数之一。在转型过程中 ,一方面 ,政治稳定比较好地配合和支撑经济转型 ,经济转型维系着政治的稳定 ;另一方面 ,政治因素介入经济转型的全过程 ,也产生了一些不规范的行为。这些行为若得不到有效地遏制 ,极有可能破坏经济转型的成果。在新世纪经济转型的攻坚阶段 ,政治稳定尤为重要 ,它将在一定程度上决定经济转型目标能否最终实现     

China's Sovereign Wealth Funds: origins,development, and future roles

China has established two of the world's newer large sovereign wealth funds (SWFs): the official China Investment Corporation (CIC), and the non-official and less transparent State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE) Investment Company (SIC). Both provide alternative investment opportunities for China's exploding foreign exchange reserves, at US$2.4 trillion at the end of 2009, the largest in world history. This paper will address how China has accumulated its huge and growing foreign exchange reserves, and what roles these reserves, until 2007 managed only by the State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE), have played in the establishment and development of China's two new SWFs. We will look specifically at why China's foreign exchange reserves have developed, and how the new SWFs are a part of broader efforts to provide investment alternatives for China's ballooning foreign exchange surpluses, particularly in light of the inflow of ‘hot’ foreign speculative funds. We will then point out some of the difficulties for China's financial officials of SWFs as they try to pursue multiple and sometimes competing goals, set by boards of directors representing different bureaucratic and economic interests, all within the context of a general lack of transparency and a rapidly growing economy. Finally, we will present our conclusions about the future roles of the two SWFs as well as of the policies being developed to decentralize foreign exchange reserve holdings while at the same time not slowing the growth of China's foreign trade surpluses, nor its foreign direct investments, nor its overall economic growth. We will also examine the effects of US-promoted Chinese currency appreciation on the future of China's foreign exchange reserves and its sovereign wealth funds.     

20世纪50年代我国四次粮食波动及其原因

20世纪50年代,在有限的粮食产量不能适应大规模经济建设的情况下,我国发生了四次粮食波动。深入探讨四次粮食波动的情况及其原因,对当今社会仍具有一定的借鉴意义。     

20世纪50年代人民解放军“三化”建设研究

新中国成立后的头10年里,中国共产党对社会主义建设道路展开积极探索,人民解放军自身建设围绕着现代化建设逐步展开。期间,适时确立革命化、现代化、正规化完整统一建设目标;从武器装备入手,提高人民解放军的现代化水平;认真贯彻减少数量加强质量精简整编原则,促进人民解放军的正规化、现代化建设;坚持以教育训练为中心任务,推动人民解放军正规化、现代化建设;以武器装备作为现代化建设突破口,建立了独立的国防工业体系,人民解放军正规化、现代化、革命化建设取得长足发展。20世纪50年代人民解放军的建设历史,成就令人瞩目,教训弥足珍贵。