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1.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2004,(12)
The Iraq war and anti-terrorism became major topics during thisyear's presidential campaign in the United States.Heated debates overthe two issues as well as long-term and unusually fixed"strict half-and-half"division of U.S.media and society also caused by the two issues,to a great extent,have deeply revealed the changes of America's powerstatus in world politics.Compared with U.S.summit of power and willingness to usepower in the early days after the Cold War and the new summit in theyea… 相似文献
2.
Non-traditional security issues have arisen since the 1960s, especially after the end of the Cold War, and are becoming a major issue in world security and politics. This reflects tremendous changes in the world situation. With diverse causes and plural referent objects, non-traditional security issues cover nearly all the problems in the world today and make development difficult to sustain. This raises the question of whether human society and the earth can survive. Power politics one-sidedly stresses the role of power, endangering the harmonious development of nations and the whole of human society. It is not at all conducive to the solution of non-traditional security issues. The solution of non-traditional security issues demands cooperation from all actors in the international community. Multiple means are needed to solve these issues. Equal dialogue between all the actors, which can easily be attained, will play an effective role, as long as all actors respect each other's differences. 相似文献
3.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2003,(2)
Lu:The situation China will face in the future will become moreand more complicated.We have more and more tasks to do,just as theChinese poem goes“As one enters the circle of thousands of mountains,one faces another mountain after passing by one of them.”Lookingfrom the international scene,none of the two issues of peace and devel-opment has been solved.Economic security and military security issues 相似文献
4.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2004,(5):12-19
Fu: The above discussions clearly show that the cooled relations between the United States and Russia lie in the basic factor that the political development in Russia has failed to meet American wishes. The catalytic factor of such relations probably could be found in the issues of strategic competition that confirm with “the cold peace. “ Of course, we may discuss whether on earth there is such a competition. If there is,then what are Russia‘s conditions and considerations in the competition? The competitions between America and Russia are different from that between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War years, but they can also be seen in geostrategic competition as well as in the means of strategic competition.…… 相似文献
5.
“Sovereignty as Responsibility” or “Responsible Sovereignty” has emerged
as a new issue in IR and sovereignty studies. On the one hand, its emergence stems
from the historical logic of sovereignty and its inherent legitimacy requirements; on
the other hand, it is also a theoretical choice for dealing with current global issues
and puzzles. In essence, “Sovereignty as Responsibility” is not a direct challenge or
straightforward deviation from traditional sovereignty theories. During its transfer
from Right to Responsibility, “Sovereignty as Responsibility” is actually a consequent
product of sovereignty traditions (like Great-Power Responsibility). At the same time,
it is also a developing term that enriches its meanings and contents in the process
of concept building. Its connotation expands from the functions of “protection” and
“prevention” to the function of “building” and even “care.” In general, studies of
“Sovereignty as Responsibility” have gradually diverged into two different approaches;
Libertarianism and Communitarianism. As a new-born framework, “Sovereignty
as Responsibility” has demonstrated several theoretical characteristics in terms of
structure, logic, standard, as well as content and levels. However, it also confronts some
disputes in terms of theory and challenges in practice. 相似文献
6.
Liu Junbo 《中国国际问题研究》2008,(1):73-86
The designation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea as state sponsor of terrorism is not only one ot the core reasons for the Bush administration to define the DPRK as a member of the axis of evil as well as the outpost of tyranny, but also constitutes the root cause of hostility and tension between the two countries. The issue of DPRK's inclusion on the U.S. blacklist of terrorism-sponsoring countries occurred before the nuclear issue. But the Bush administration now links the two issues and regards the denuclearization of DPRK as the precondition for its removal from the blacklist of terrorism-supporting states. Hence, a new round of game is unfolding between the United States and the DPRK on how to remove the latter from the list. 相似文献
7.
Liu Jianfei 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2004,14(11):27-32
The main cause of Bush‘s success in the election and being re-elected President is that the Republicans and its conservatist ideology prevails in America. U.S. presidential election is contention between the candidates in personal capacity, morality, experience, wealth and family as well as contention between the two parties. In 2004 election, Bush is not advantageous to Kerry in personal factors, but in the party itself. The Republicans have obvious advantages to the Democratic Party. The major source of the advantages come from conservatist ideology.…… 相似文献
8.
LIU Y u e j i n 《国际安全研究》2015,1(2)
The “New Security Concept” put forward by the Chinese authorities at the
turn of the century, with “mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, and coordination”
at its core, dealt mainly with non-traditional security approaches and measures in
external security. However, it did not touch upon internal security or other traditional
or non-traditional security issues in a broader sense. Therefore it is a low form of
non-traditional security outlook and a low form of non-traditional national security
outlook. When reviewing overall national security issues besides external security
and international security, China has stuck to a traditional national security outlook.
In comparison, taking “the people’s security as its aim,” the Overall National Security
Outlook (ONSO) embodies non-traditional thinking and “attaches importance to both
traditional and non-traditional security.” It is, therefore, an advanced non-traditional
national security outlook. Though incorporating rich non-traditional national security
issues, the ONSO deals with various traditional national security issues, as well. The
ONSO is non-traditional in that it handles and highlights non-traditional national
security issues; it is holistic because it pays dual attention to both traditional and nontraditional
national security issues; it is advanced as it incorporates both traditional and
non-traditional national security issues by means of non-traditional thinking. 相似文献
9.
Peter Wallensteen 《国际安全研究》2015,1(1):59-76
: This article deals with two of the strongest conclusions from general
studies on the causes as well as absence of interstate war: the importance of territorial
disputes and the significance of regime type. The first is termed the “territorial peace”
hypothesis; the second is known in the literature as the “democratic peace” proposition.
This article discusses if these two issues have to be settled prior to the building of
quality peace between states that have a history of war among them. These findings
are used to analyze the actual Western European experience since World War II and
then relating this to the East Asian situation today. In this way this article also points to
important differences. Still, the territorial issues take on particular role if the East Asian
region is to move towards more durable and positive conditions, what might constitute
ingredients of quality peace. At that moment, also Real politik concerns enter the
equation. 相似文献
10.
ZhangJian 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2005,15(2):37-43
The Ukrainian election crisis started on November 22 resulted not only from the struggle between pro-West and pro-Russia forces in Ukraine but also from the conflict of different values and strategic interests between the West and Russia. The European Union responded to the Ukrainian election crisis swiftly in step and also in relatively great strength. Therefore, the EU‘s move was strongly criticized by the Russians. So it was not only aggravated still further the two sides‘ mutual distrust, surely it will influence the future development of the bilateral relationship as well. 相似文献
11.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2003,(9)
The power position and influence of a country depend on its comprehensive national power based on economics. While addressing to the press in Kansas on July 6, 1971, President Nixon noted: "Comparing to our overwhelming position at the end of World War II, the United States is now facing immense challenges that we have never expected before. " He added, "In terms of economics, the United States is no longer a dominant power or an overwhelming global power. At present, there exist not only two superpowers. In consideration of eco- 相似文献
12.
本文根据暹罗方面的史料,围绕两国间有关"朝贡"与"条约"的交涉,重新探讨19世纪中期至20世纪初期中国与暹罗的关系。 相似文献
13.
东西方文化存在“异”的一面,也存在“同”的一面,即“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。很多俄语词的词义本身就表现出“和”、“同”、“一”的思想,汉语也是这样。从中可以看出俄罗斯民族和中华民族追求的价值取向都离不开“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。 相似文献
14.
19世纪末期,以西方国家为中心和参照的现代化进程的铺展和中国国家制度的疾速衰竭,使汉语在世界语言的中心地位也发生了颠覆式的位移,逐渐滑落到边缘地位,"汉字文化圈"也呈现出破裂的态势。21世纪,中国在政治、经济、文化各方面的现代化实践及其重大转型,为汉语的复兴和精神重建提供了一种可能性。在这种全新的时代语境和历史背景下,将重新"发现汉语"及其"天下精神"作为一种新的文化命题,这意味着以西方文化为轴心的单向度的世界文化秩序,面临着巨大的危机。以汉语复兴为切入点,中国文化将成为解构文化帝国主义的重要力量,并提供了一种可能性。同时,在重新"发现汉语"的过程中,我们应该在吸收其他语言文化资源的同时,坚持汉语及其文化形态的输出立场,摒弃中西文化之间的二元对立思维模态,建构一种语言的"天下精神",从而使汉语在文化全球化中发出中国的声音。 相似文献
15.
16.
试论生态旅游“大众化”与大众旅游“生态化” 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
自20世纪90年代以来,生态旅游受到世界各国的青睐,已俨然成为发展旅游业的制胜法宝。但现实中,生态旅游发展遭遇的诸多问题使人们开始醒悟:生态旅游本身也有不可持续性的成分,通过生态旅游“大众化”维持旅游业可持续发展似乎越发偏离发展生态旅游的初衷;同时,大众旅游长期以来蒙受“不可持续”不白之冤。人们需要重新认识大众旅游——其可持续性成分与生俱来。 相似文献
17.
"失败国家论"和"新帝国主义论"--新世纪的霸权理论 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
"失败国家论"认为"失败国家"没有在国际社会生存的权利,"新帝国主义论"主张对"失败国家"发动先发制人的军事打击."两论"是新世纪特别是9·11事件之后美英等国提出的新干预理论,"两论"的实质是要美国借当前国际反恐之机依靠武力建立新世纪霸权.在国际社会求和平、求发展的时代,"两论"势必遭到国际社会的强烈谴责和反对,"两论"也不会有好的前景. 相似文献
18.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):165-190
Recently, there has been a growing tendency to suggest "new" classes of wars that are presumably different from all wars we have known and studied. In this article, we discuss the extent to which the landscape of armed conflict has changed so dramatically that it has necessitated a revision of the prevalent typology of war, a reconsideration of the correlates of war, and a reconceptualization of the theoretical assumptions regarding the etiology of war. While it is clear that patterns of warfare shift across time and space, it is not clear that war itself has changed "fundamentally" and has become inexplicable in light of theoretical arguments in world politics as many "new war" theorists suggest. Our analysis demonstrates that many of the "new wars" are simply amalgamations of various interstate, extrastate, and intrastate wars-i.e., the "old wars"-that have been lumped into a single category. The result is a hodgepodge of armed conflicts whose different correlates derive from their diverse morphologies rather than their novelty as wars unlike any we have experienced previously. 相似文献
20.
欧非关系转型——从"依附"到"平等" 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
随着非洲战略地位的不断提高,欧盟提升非洲在其外交政策议程中的地位,调整对非政策,提出将"平等的政治伙伴关系"作为欧盟非洲政策的首要目标。然而,由于欧盟长期以来对非洲居高临下,与非洲关系存在不对等性,因而根本改变对非政策模式,实现双方的真正平等不会一帆风顺。 相似文献