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1.
审判公开的限度——以未成年人刑事审判为例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
为了保护未成年人利益,对未成年人刑事案件不公开审判,这是审判公开原则的例外.其基本含义是审判过程不公开,其衍生规则包括:诉讼材料不公开、判决不公开、对其媒体报道要进行限制.但是,未成年人刑事案件不公开也是有限度的,必须在与正当程序、被告人利益、新闻自由等利益平衡后确定是否公开审判,以确保未成年人利益与公众知情权的合理平衡.  相似文献   

2.
在法律上承认和规范劳动者的罢工权,防止非法罢工,不仅有利于劳动者劳动权益的维护,也有利于社会的稳定。罢工权不是孤立的,劳动法领域中的罢工权,是劳动者的一项劳动权利,是劳动者集体劳动权的重要组成部分,与劳动者组织工会的权利(团结权)、集体谈判的权利密不可分。劳动者享有法律所保护的合法罢工权。罢工基于维护劳动者的合法权益,局限于劳动关系领域,并要符合法律规定的程序。在法律上确立劳动者享有合法的罢工权后,如何保护依法罢工的劳动者的利益是法律必须面对和解决的重要问题,也是关系到劳动者罢工权是否能真正享有的保障。为了维护劳动者的权益,法律应当赋予劳动者罢工权,但当罢工影响到社会公共秩序的时候,罢工权就应该受到限制。  相似文献   

3.
为了探讨精神病人合同能力鉴定的相关理论 ,解决合同能力鉴定中鉴定标准混乱的问题 ,对合同能力鉴定的法律基础、标准、民事行为能力与民事权利能力的区别 ,民事行为能力的广义、狭义区分进行了论述。提出合同能力鉴定的核心问题是意思表示的真实性 ,主张将合同能力分为有、无两级 ,强调合同能力的分级与民事行为能力的等级存在区别。并提出合同能力鉴定的程式为 :首先判定其行为能力 ,有行为能力相应具有合同能力 ,无行为能力即无合同能力 ,限制民事行为者 ,应根据年龄、智力、精神健康状况、生活关联度 ,再分为有合同能力、无合同能力。  相似文献   

4.
金日出 《行政与法》2010,(10):61-63
农民的健康问题关系到保护农村生产力、振兴农村经济、维护农村社会和谐发展和稳定的大局,对提高全民族素质具有重大意义。吉林省新型农村合作医疗(简称新农合)基本解决了农村居民因病致贫、因病返贫问题,广大农民主动就诊意识明显提高,"小病拖,大病扛"的现象得到了缓解,但还存在一些问题需要尽快采取措施加以解决。一是要加大宣传力度,让广大农民充分了解新农合的好处;二是要加强对新农合基金的管理;三是要科学调整补偿方案,提高补偿比例;四是要加快信息化建设,提高管理效率和水平;五是要大力加强农村卫生服务体系建设;六是要健全农村医疗保险制度。  相似文献   

5.
未成年犯社区矫正分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
社区矫正在预防和控制未成年人犯罪方面具有十分重要的地位和作用,符合未成年犯的心理特征,有利于克服监禁刑的弊端,有利于和发达国家的刑罚模式接轨。我国社会主义的刑事政策、社会主义的法律体系以及日趋完善的社区和健全的司法行政体系资源为未成年犯罪人适用社区矫正提供了现实可能性。针对我国未成年犯社区矫正工作中存在的问题,笔者认为,更新行刑观念、对社区矫正进行科学定位、建立专门的社区矫正机构、配备专业的矫正人员、建立适合未成年人特点的社区矫正项目以及建立未成年犯社区矫正制度的评估体系是对未成年犯社区矫正制度完善的重要举措。  相似文献   

6.
在新的时代背景下,政府要更好地保护和实现公民权利,必须做到理念上的十大转变:由管理政府向服务政府转变;由全能政府向有限政府转变;由权力政府向责任政府转变;由人治政府向法治政府转变;由随意政府向诚信政府转变;由神秘政府向透明政府转变;由刚性政府向弹性政府转变;由拖沓政府向效能政府转变;由利益政府向中立政府转变;由守旧政府向创新政府转变。  相似文献   

7.
王衡 《现代法学》2012,(2):138-151
各国日益重视采用服务贸易措施应对气候变化,我国WTO服务承诺亦与气候变化相关。因措施通常视成员是否承担减排义务而给予不同待遇,容易违反非歧视原则,一般例外是判断措施合法性的关键。一般例外适用于气候变化时将面临措施性质认定、必要性测试、发展中成员可否利用引言获得特殊待遇等诸多难题。为确保一般例外适用的可预见性并妥善平衡贸易与气候变化,需强化贸易与气候变化的相互支持,解决一般例外法理的连贯性不足等缺陷,避免僵化解释,力争规则更新修改。  相似文献   

8.
刘生荣 《中国法学》2001,(3):108-116
惩治危害社会治安的犯罪 ,是维护社会稳定、保障改革开放深入进行的必要之举 ,也是依法治国的重要内容。当前严重危害社会治安犯罪的主要特征是 :突发性、暴力性、有组织性和内外勾结型。为了有效打击严重危害社会治安的犯罪 ,促进社会治安的根本好转 ,在总结以往经验和不足的基础上 ,确立科学的惩治与预防严重危害社会治安犯罪的对策是非常必要的。这些对策应包括 :坚持依法、公正和效率原则 ,注重保护犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的合法权利 ;明确打击重点 ,针对不同性质的犯罪采取不同的措施 ;打击与反腐败相结合 ;化解民事矛盾 ,消除诱发因素 ;打击与预防相结合 ,完善综合治理体系  相似文献   

9.
Australian community pharmacy ownership restrictions have been in place for many years. However, it is timely to review these structures in terms of the Commonwealth Government's proposed changes to the health care system and the need for flexibility to ensure access of vital medicines to the community. Careful consideration has to be given to the advantages and disadvantages of regulatory structures that limit ownership to pharmacists, compared to non-pharmacist ownership. Other ownership aspects that need to be evaluated include the number of pharmacies one pharmacist should be allowed to own or co-own and the extent of control required on the location of pharmacies.  相似文献   

10.
论农村土地承包经营权的可继承性   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
土地承包经营权性质为用益物权,多个承包人是准共有的关系。《继承法》的规定为纳入新的遗产种类预留了制度空间,土地承包经营权也符合遗产特征,具备作为遗产的可能性。从顺应遗产范围不断扩大的发展趋势、避免法律体系冲突、维护农民利益等角度出发,应当承认土地承包经营权可以继承。在土地承包经营权继承的实施上,不应对继承人作身份条件限定,遗产的分割应遵循继承法的通常方法。  相似文献   

11.
基因信息对健康状况具有强烈的预测性,出于诸种原因当事人未必想知晓基因信息.为充分尊重自我决定权,比较法上承认权利人享有基因信息不知情权.基因信息不知情权指权利人有权预先决定是否接受基因信息的披露,其核心要义为“知情拒绝权”.基因信息不知情权旨在保障权利人对基因信息的自主控制,在我国隐私权与个人信息区分规制的立法模式下,...  相似文献   

12.
刑事诉讼视角下辩护权界说   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
在现代刑事诉讼中,被指控人的辩护权是一项贯穿始终的诉讼权利,主要表现为根据事实和法律提出和论证对被指控人有利的材料和理由,在实体上反驳指控,提出证明被指控人无罪、罪轻、应当减轻或免除其刑事责任的材料和意见,以及在程序上主张被指控人所拥有的合法的诉讼权利,防止其受到不公正的待遇和不应有的侵犯。但是由于司法理念和制度的弊端使得我国现实层面的辩护权呈现出与应然状态的脱节与偏离,因此,立足现状,改革与完善我国的刑事辩护权就显得尤为重要。  相似文献   

13.
Many efforts have been made to restrict minors' access to violent media content basing the definition of the content to be restricted on the legal definition of obscenity, which requires the content to be offensive. Without exception, such restrictions have been found to violate the First Amendment, partly because the laws have defined the violence to be restricted with reference to its offensiveness, while the purpose of the laws has been to protect children from the harms believed to be caused by exposure to such content. This has created a problematic lack of fit between the content to be restricted and the purpose of restrictions. This article examines whether restricting minors' access to offensive violent media content to protect them from its offensiveness makes it any more likely such restrictions will survive First Amendment scrutiny.  相似文献   

14.
民族自治地方政府重大事项决策需要由"封闭式决策"转向"开放式决策",这既是保障广大少数民族地区群众的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权的需要,更是民族自治地方政府实现决策民主化、科学化和法治化的必由之路。要在民族自治地方成功推行开放式决策,一方面要借鉴发达地区成功的决策经验,另一方面要结合本民族地区的实际,探索适合民族自治地方政府的开放式决策之路。  相似文献   

15.
论问题引导型法学教学模式   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李健男 《时代法学》2010,8(1):109-113
法学知识不仅可以而且应该在“问题”的引导下进行传授。所以,我国的法学教育必须实现从“知识灌输模式”向“问题引导模式”的转变。“问题引导模式”的内核在于问题意识和创新精神的培养。在教师自身具备问题意识和创新精神的前提下,“问题引导模式”的实施还应该把握以下几个方面:要求学生预习教材;引导学生关注实际问题;因地制宜选择教学方法;掌握提问技巧;消除权威意识。  相似文献   

16.
吴保宏 《法学论坛》2006,21(5):108-114
判断进入“前店后院”式场所抢劫是否属于“入户抢劫”,应当考查场所内部生活和经营区域是否相对分离和行为时是否属于营业期间;对于模糊期间场所的功能特征原则上应以“过渡期”前的状态为基础加以判断。入户抢劫的“户”不应限于被害人的“户”,即使针对“户”中家庭成员以外的第三人抢劫也属于入户抢劫。入户抢劫包括主观评价因素在内,其内容包括对“入”的意思支配和对“户”的认识意识。  相似文献   

17.
In The Ends of Harm, Victor Tadros claims that the general justifying aim of the criminal law should be general deterrence. He also takes seriously that we cannot use people as a means, and thus he argues that we may only punish people in the name of general deterrence who have a ‘duty’ to suffer. Tadros claims that this duty arises as follows: An offender initially has a duty not to harm the victim. If the offender violates that duty, the offender still has a duty to stop the harm from occurring (so that, for example, an offender would have to jump in front of his own bullet). And if the harm does occur, then the offender has a duty to rectify that harm. This duty to rectify, argues Tadros, requires the defendant not only to compensate the victim but also to protect the victim to the extent that he would have been able to have been harmed to prevent the threat from occurring. Tadros further advances intricate arguments for why the state may therefore punish the offender to protect other potential victims to the extent of the offender’s duty to rectify. This symposium contribution seeks to explore three problems with Tadros’ analysis, ultimately arguing that Tadros’ theory fails on its own terms. First, attempts present a substantial problem for Tadros’ regime because attempts do not give rise to duties to prevent harm because there is no harm to be prevented. Tadros’ attempt to account for attempts, as completed offenses of diversions of security resources, ultimately leads to punishments that bear little resemblance to the crime attempted. Such a wildly counterintuitive result creates problems for a regime premised on general deterrence, which must be understood and respected. Second, Tadros’ regime will often exempt the rich from suffering criminal punishment. Tadros claims that duties to prevent harms from occurring (by jumping in front of bullets) are only enforceable when compensation will be inadequate. However, affluent offenders may be able to fully compensate. Moreover, since the scope of the duty to suffer will be determined by what remains of the duty after the victim is compensated, affluent offenders will be able to compensate more and thereby suffer less. Again, the actual sentences will thereby bear little resemblance to the rationale for criminalization, thus threatening the deterrent message of the law. Moreover, a system that exacerbates distributive inequalities will not achieve public respect. Third, Tadros cannot justify taking the duty that the defendant owes to the victim and forcing the victim to transfer this asset to the state. In his quest to articulate a theory that does not impermissibly use defendants, he ultimately endorses a theory that impermissibly uses their victims. He thus fails to achieve the very goal he sets for himself, which is to achieve general deterrence without impermissibly using anyone.  相似文献   

18.
Hoefler JM  Kamoie BE 《Law & policy》1992,14(4):337-380
The right to die may be among the most legally complex and culturally sensitive areas of civil rights to emerge in our time. The thorny issues associated with a terminally ill individual's right to self-determination, and the disposition of individuals who are incompetent to make right to die decisions for themselves, promises to keep all parties involved - health care professionals, medical ethicists, families, lawyers, judges, and state legislators -busy for some time to come. To this point, the state courts have taken the lead in the right to die debate, while the state legislatures have tended to drag their collective feet. This article lays the case law groundwork for right to die decision making, then goes on to assay the legislative responses to the issue that have been rendered in the fifty states.  相似文献   

19.
The aim is to review the decisions of the Central Elections Committee and of the Supreme Court regarding disqualification of lists in Israel. Two major questions are addressed: When should tolerance have its limits?; and, What constraints on liberty should be introduced in order to safeguard democracy? The judicial analysis focuses attention on the issue of whether the justices acted in accordance with the law. Consideration is given to the written law and to existing normative considerations which allow justices an exegetic latitude. It is argued that theNeiman decision of 1984 was flawed, that the Court was erroneous in ignoring the licensing effect of its decision, and that democracy does not have to allow a violent list propounding the destruction of democracy to act in order to fulfil its aim. It is neither morally obligatory, nor morally coherent, to expect democracy to place the means for its own destruction in the hands of those who either wish to bring about the physical annihilation of the state, or to undermine democracy. These two cases are the only cases in which democracy has to introduce self-defensive measures and to deny representation in parliament to violent lists that convey such ideas, and that act to realize them.  相似文献   

20.
This article uses original data from research at the Court of Protection to explore capacity to consent to sex in practice. It argues that the approach under the Mental Capacity Act 2005 fails to place appropriate focus on consent as central to understanding sexual capacity. The capabilities approach to justice is then used to demonstrate the limitations of the existing legal approach to capacity to consent to sex, and to argue that the protective focus of the legal test would be better centred on the social risks resulting from non‐consensual sex and exploitation. Finally, the article argues that, rather than focusing on a medicalized approach to understanding sexual intimacy, an analysis based on capabilities theory provides conceptual tools to support arguments for additional resources to help disabled people to realize their rights to sexual intimacy.  相似文献   

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