论康德的道德义务论及其德育启示

在《道德形而上学原理》中,康德以道德动机为起点,引出了"德性""善良意志""出于责任与合乎责任"等概念,提出了道德义务论这一概念。我国正处于社会转型的关键时期。功利化的经济发展、多元化的意识形态给高校大学生的思维方式、生活方式等都带来了一定程度的消极影响。本文从康德的道德义务论出发,探究了"理性""善良意志""道德命题"和"命令式检验"在其道德义务论中的地位与关系。从德育内容、立德树人、道德评价三方面提出建议,为当前高校德育工作提供一定的借鉴与参考。     

On the possibility of principled moral compromise

Simon May has argued that the notion of a principled compromise is incoherent. Reasons to compromise are always in his view strategic: though we think that the position we defend is still the right one, we compromise on this view in order to avoid the undesirable consequences that might flow from not compromising. I argue against May that there are indeed often principled reasons to compromise, and that these reasons are in fact multiple. First, compromises evince respect for persons that we have reason to think of as our epistemic peers, and acknowledgement of our own finitudes as moral reasoners. Second, compromises are often made morally necessary by the shortfalls that unavoidably separate democratic institutions from democratic ideals. Third, compromises express a desirable form of democratic community. And fourth, compromises are often justified from a consequentialist point of view, in that they allow for the realization of values that would not be realized as well by the failure to compromise.     

论中国共产党人的实践道德修养

中国共产党人在全面建成小康社会的伟大改革实践进程中肩负起实现中国梦的历史重任,提升中国共产党人的实践道德修养是共产党的心灵寄托和归属,要不断增强中国共产党人的主体道德修养。做到以下五点:理论修养、与时俱进,培养贯彻执行党的理论和路线的高素质党员干部队伍;政治修养、依靠人民,坚定理想信念,贯彻执行为民务实清廉的基本要求;思想修养、精神家园,牢记党的宗旨和履行岗位职责,时刻经受实际行动的考验;知识修养、动力支撑,强化理论武装的时代感和吸引力;作风修养、接受监督,以人格魅力为动力密切联系群众就有了战胜困难的方法和措施。     

Making moral citizens: On Himmelfarb's de‐moralization thesis

One of the most popular and pressing problems in the attempts of contemporary Western social and cultural commentators to understand these times is the question of whether it is possible to identify a worrisome and unstoppable process of de‐moralization. This process is frequently taken to involve the cutting of the ties and identities of citizenship so that individuals are left to wallow in swamps of anomie and disrepute; swamps in which the supposed achievements of civilization are undermined by the reappearance of activities which are taken to be more reminiscent of the mythical state of nature. In this article I will examine one of the most well‐developed and intellectually plausible versions of this de‐moralization thesis. I will outline and attempt to contextualize arguments rehearsed by Gertrude Himmelfarb in her book The Demoralization of Society (Himmelfarb, 1995). I hope to show that the de‐moralization thesis is based upon a specific articulation of citizenship to civilization. I will then offer aspects of a sociological critique of Himmelfarb and, implicitly therefore, of the connection of citizenship to civilizaton. I will develop this possible critique through an account of some themes contained in the work of Zygmunt Bauman.     

浅论我国德育存在的主要问题及对策

首先对德育的内涵做了界定,从四个方面分析了我国德育存在的主要问题,在此基础上提出了有效解决我国德育问题的方法和途径。     

家庭德育:不能忽视的德育内容

家庭德育作为对学校德育的重要补充和延伸.并没有得到充分的重视.家长应该重视家庭德育,树立正确的德育观念,运用多种方法和手段,注意言传身教,配合学校搞好孩子的道德教育,促进孩子的全面发展和良好心理品质的形成.     

"吾能''慎独''否?"——论"慎独"的道德主体规定性

“慎独”是儒家传统的道德修养方法，也是道德修养所达到的一种极高的境界．具有很强的道德主体规定性。“慎独”并非人人皆能做到，只有具有独立的道德意识、积极的自律精神和完整的道德人格。并能始终践行审慎的道德行为的人才能不断超越和完善自我，成为一位“能‘慎独’者”。     

Making moral incentives pay

Politicians often appeal to moral principles as a least-cost method of enforcing their policy demands. To do so effectively, they must understand how such principles fit into ordinary people's decision functions. Here I distinguish three ways for formally representing moral principles. One reduces morality to enlightened self-interest, denying that morality has any special place in the decision calculus. Another, while acknowledging that people do internalize moral principles per se, enters them into utility functions as just another consumption good. Truly strong moral principles, however, are best represented by a third model of seriously held moral principles which must be kept formally apart from mundane considerations. Such principles are as precarious as they are powerful. Policy-makers who want to tap them must respect the formalisms that make them strong, most typically by shielding moral principles from contamination by egoistic impulses.This is a revised version of a paper read at the 1978 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association in New York. I am grateful to Stanley Benn for prodding that prompted this essay and to Brian Barry, David Braybrooke, Joseph Carens, Russell Hardin, Martin Hollis and David Miller for advice on its improvement.     

儒家德育及对当代德育目标的启示

儒家历来强调德育的重要地位,本文探讨了儒家追求圣贤道德至善的德育目标,与法家避忌道德最坏的德育目标进行比较,进一步阐述了儒家德育目标对当代德育目标的一些启示。     

Transparency and political moral hazard

This paper analyzes the effects of asymmetric information on the public control of politicians in a world where the politicians’ pre-election promises are not credible. We study a model with identical politicians and a representative voter whose interests conflict with those of the politicians’. The voter’s decision to reelect the politician depends on both observable policies of the politician and the outcome of the unobservable policies. In equilibrium, either optimal decisions for the voter are not taken by the politician or if taken, the politician would extract more rent. In the latter case, politicians are also replaced more frequently.     

The world as a moral community

He is the author and co-author of numerous books, among them The Sociology of the Future; The Democratic Revolution in the West Indies; Decisions of Nationhood; Jamaican Leaders; Ethnicity, and Nation Building; Public Leadership;and Social Area Analysis.He is currently working on a book titled Foundations of the Futures Field.