Economic impact of transportation infrastructure investment under the Belt and Road Initiative

China launched an ambitious strategy known as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013 with an objective to promote regional economic growth and integration. The initiative was implemented primarily through massive investment in transportation infrastructure development among the Belt and Road countries to improve transportation connectivity and reduce trade costs. While such a strategy has been implemented for more than seven years, it remains unclear to what extent the investment of transportation infrastructure has affected the regional economic performance in various countries. To clarify this question, this study provides an in-depth assessment of BRI investment in transportation infrastructure using a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. Different from previous studies, the regional economic impact was evaluated through CGE simulations based on the actual investment data obtained from various sources. In addition, both the change of intraregional and interregional trade costs as a result of BRI transportation infrastructure investment was estimated. The results show that the transportation infrastructure investment in BRI has generated different impacts among regions. In particular, China, Central and West Asian countries have gained significant growth in GDP, employment, and economic welfare, whereas the economic impact of transportation infrastructure investment in the Central and West Europe is relatively minor. Overall, the research findings provide important policy implications for future transportation infrastructure investment in BRI countries and beyond.

     

Why should trade between Central Asia and China continue to expand?

Trade volume between Central Asia and China has tripled since 2002. This study, which is based on Chinese sources, explains the reasons for this expansion in trade. Even if numerous obstacles remain, Government development policy in China’s western regions has induced trade growth between Xinjiang and Central Asia. Trade flows mainly consist of three blocks: economic activities of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, commerce conducted by traders of the coastal province of Zhejiang, based in Xinjiang, and petty trade notably between Kazakhstan and Xinjiang.     

标志性事件对中国与东盟国家进出口影响实证分析

该文基于国别贸易数据,采集和整理了东盟10国以及东盟外8国的年度对中国贸易数据,利用改进的倍差法模型对以上数据进行分析,评估标志性事件对东盟与中国贸易规模影响的净效应。通过实证分析发现,中国与东盟政治与经济合作的标志性事件对于中国与东盟各国贸易有极其显著的正的影响效应,而中国与东盟个别国家领土、政治纠纷和国际灾害的影响效应不显著。国际性经济危机对东盟和中国之间的贸易总量也有着比较显著的影响。并依据以上实证结果提出有关发展中国—东盟贸易的建议。     

Does infrastructure facilitate trade connectivity? Evidence from the ASEAN

This paper explores the impact of infrastructure on trade connectivity among ASEAN and three Asian countries—India, China, and Japan. Our study is mainly motivated by the increased infrastructure investment and trade among these countries in recent years. The main results of trade network analysis include high trade density and interconnectedness among ASEAN, India, China, and Japan. There are specific “trade intensive paths” among the few countries in the group. It highlights the “export hubs” or main “suppliers of intermediate goods” in the region. Further, the paper analyzed the nexus between trade connectivity and infrastructure by applying the panel fixed effects method and Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood. Moreover, the robustness of the results is tested by estimating two-stage least square. Hard infrastructure, foreign direct investment plays a crucial role in bringing the nexus to trade connectivity. Reducing trade barriers and improving infrastructure quality are essential for deepening regional trade integration.

     

东北亚国家经贸合作：新形势新发展

东北亚各国政治经济形势和对外政策已经发生并正在发生一些有利于区内经贸合作的变化我国“十五”时期对外开放将进入新阶段。尤其要加强与东北亚国家的经贸合作;俄罗斯与东北亚国家外交关系有了较大发展,并把扩大经贸合作提上了议事日程;朝鲜将实施对外开放政策和进一步与韩国实现和解;蒙古新政府将继续实施“多支点”外交政策,并首先加强与东北亚国家的经济联系;日本在与东南亚国家发展经济合作的同时将扩大与东北亚国家的经贸合作。     

Governance in Central Asia: national in form,Soviet in content

American policy toward Central Asia is based on a serious misperception of the region's problems and potential for non‐violent political change. The reality is that the five Central Asian states are not post‐Soviet but neo‐Soviet. The former Communist Party bosses retain the nomenklatura system of centralised and hierarchical rule. The regimes also resemble the clan‐based autocracies of post‐colonial Africa, but with the mechanisms of the modern police state. These countries face all the challenges common to the Third World, but are less amenable to positive external influences or to the development of pluralist politics and civil society. While the regimes have mixed prospects for retaining power, none is likely to succeed in economic development or in responding to social change.     

中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路:基础、挑战与路径

中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路对“一带一路”建设和提升中亚国家现代化发展水平意义重大。中亚国家数字经济发展潜力巨大,各国纷纷出台数字经济发展战略,电子商务发展方兴未艾,电子政务能力不断提升,但各国数字经济发展差距较大。中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路有着良好的基础,双方已建立起较为稳定持久的互信关系,都提出了数字经济发展战略,已有多层次合作机制,中亚国家对双方合作的内在动力较强。但双方合作也面临不少挑战,中亚国家数字基础设施建设较为薄弱、数字人才紧缺,网络安全和地缘政治风险亦不断增加。中国和中亚国家可从数字基础设施建设、数字治理、电子商务、数字人才培养等路径入手展开合作,因国施策,共建数字丝绸之路。     

EU enlargement and the rise of Asian FTAs: Implications for Asia-Europe relations

  Over the past few years, there has been resurgence in regionalism and preferential trade across the global economic system. The European Union has taken steps at enlargement of their economic community to include countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Bilateral trade arrangements are proliferating in Asia involving the region's largest economies Japan and China. These arrangements mirror similar initiatives in the Americas. These developments have profound implications on the world trading system, in general, and to Asia-Europe relations in particular. The rise of preferentialism runs the risk of heightened discrimination, trade diversion and the fragmentation of the multilateral trade order. This prospect will have a direct impact on the future relations between Asia and Europe. Both Europe and Asia should remain outward oriented, open to reciprocal arrangements with non-member economies, and supportive of the multilateral trading system.     

US Policy in Central Asia and Regional Security

The article focuses on American approaches to the problems of regional security and stability in post-Soviet Central Asia since the early 1990s. It discusses the priorities of US policies in Central Asia under the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations and argues that the advancement of US interests in Central Asia requires a coherence between the region-wide and the country-level tiers of American policies. Furthermore, it is argued that since the mid-1990s the development of bilateral relations between Washington and Central Asian countries has not been accompanied by a region-wide policy aimed at reducing security risks in Central Asia. The paper also discusses implications of US activism in Central Asia for long-term regional stability.     

黑瞎子岛建设自由贸易区的构想与对策

发展对外贸易、促进跨境区域合作是现阶段东北亚区域经济合作的关键拉动因素。为了切实推进黑瞎子岛保税区建设规划,中央政府应给予更加优惠的政策支持,实施境内关外监管模式,从而降低贸易壁垒,提高贸易创造效应和贸易转移效应,进一步推动中俄国际经贸发展,并在远期将黑瞎子岛建成为商品自由流通、资本自由流动、货币自由兑换、人员自由进出的自由贸易区,加速东北亚国际区域经济合作与发展。     

阿富汗变局后的中亚安全:大国博弈与地区合作

阿富汗与中亚有着非常密切的历史文化联系,同时阿富汗问题对中亚安全构成了直接威胁.随着2021年美国仓促撤军、塔利班重新夺取政权,中亚战略地位的特殊性引发大国为争夺地区安全和经济主导权展开新一轮地缘政治竞争,中亚地区的和平与稳定又遭遇新的挑战.本文通过对新形势下中亚地区安全的新特征、新变化的梳理和分析,发现阿富汗变局后中...     

美国新中亚战略评析

美国公布新的中亚战略包含四方面调整,即将中亚地区视为独立的地缘政治板块、将阿富汗视为中亚一部分、明确将在中亚加强对俄罗斯和中国的遏制、重新界定美国在该地区的比较优势。新中亚战略的实施将会对中亚地区稳定和主要大国在该地区互动产生一定影响。但由于美国在实施该战略中投入力度有限、比较优势不明显,中亚国家不会轻易改变自身多元平衡外交政策、对阿富汗及其局势的认知与美有明显差异,以及美国在中亚地区的战略冒进可能引发大国反制,新战略的实施不会一帆风顺。     

美国对东南亚外交的未来趋势

布什上任后,美国对东南亚地区越来越关注,美国与东南亚地区各国在贸易、军事合作以及外交关系等方面的互动越来越频繁和深入.很多学者认为这是美国借着打击恐怖主义的契机,开始"重返东南亚"①的表现.从近几年美国在东南亚的一系活动来看,反恐并不是美国的唯一目的,而更多地是为了加强它对这一地区的影响和控制.纵观布什政府在东南亚的一系列外交活动,可以看到三个基本的方向:(1)继续在这一地区推行美国价值观和理念;(2)在加强和巩固与传统盟国如泰国和菲律宾的关系与合作的基础上,拓展新的双边关系;(3)积极参与和建构东南亚地区主义进程,提升美国对东南亚地区主义进程的影响.     

Study on Xinjiang’s bilateral trade using a gravity model

Based on the basic trade gravity model and Xinjiang’s practical situation, new explanatory variables (GDP, GDPpc and SCO) are introduced to build an augmented trade gravity model adapted to Xinjiang’s bilateral trade. From the empirical analysis of this model, it proposes that these three variables affect the Xinjiang’s bilateral trade positively. Whereas, geographic distance is found a significant factor influencing Xinjiang’s bilateral trade negatively. Then, the augmented trade gravity model analyzes the present trade situation between Xinjiang and its main trade partners in 2004 quantitatively. It indicates that Xinjiang cooperates with its most trade partners successfully in terms of present economic scale and developing level. Xinjiang has established successful trade partnership with Central Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, Western Europe, East Asia and South Asia. However, the foreign trade development with West Asia is much slower. Finally, some suggestions on developing Xinjiang's foreign trade are put forward.     

欧盟对中亚战略浅析

2007年,欧盟出台了《中亚战略文件》,确立了欧盟与中亚5国之间的战略伙伴关系,把欧盟对中亚战略作为欧盟总体外交、全球战略、大邻国战略的重要组成部分。欧盟在政治、经济、安全和文化方面与中亚国家进行全面合作。边界安全、能源管线建设以及欧亚交通大通道的建设是欧盟与中亚国家合作的主要领域。欧盟对中亚战略实施的成功与否对欧盟作为全球行为体的地位和作用将是一个重要的衡量指标和考验。     

Narcotics,Radicalism, and Armed Conflict in Central Asia: The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan

While the academic debate on security has broadened in recent years, it has failed to cohesively include transnational organized crime and drug trafficking as a security issue. However, especially in weak states in developing and postcommunist regions, these phenomena are having an increasingly negative effect on security in the military, political, economic, and societal sense. Security issues in Central Asia are a prominentexample of the links between drug trafficking and military threats to security. This is illustrated most clearly by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), which has been both a major actor in the drug trade from Afghanistan to Central Asia as well as the most serious violent nonstate actor in the region. The link between the drug trade and armed conflict is of fundamental importance to understanding the challenges to Central Asian security.     

Do Russia and China promote autocracy in Central Asia?

The purpose of our paper is to contribute to the literature on autocracy promotion by analyzing Central Asia as the most-likely case, considering both Russia and China as relevant external actors. We develop a concept for our analysis based on the different strategies of Russia and China towards the region and present the results of a qualitative study of the main dimensions of autocracy promotion (regional organizations, economic cooperation, and interference and threat). Based on this qualitative study, we define variables measuring the potential for autocracy promotion and test our hypotheses using panel data for 24 post-communist countries. The somewhat surprising result of our analysis is that, in contrast to Russia's dominance mode of operation, China's doing-business approach towards its neighbors in Central Asia may have—although unintentionally—even positive effects in terms of improving governance and undermining autocratic structures.     

中国与中亚国家共建数字丝绸之路：基础、挑战与路径（英文）

The digital economy is the most promising new area for China-Central Asia cooperation on the Silk Road Economic Belt. Through country-specific policy support and strategic synergy, China can help promote the digital transformation and modernization of Central Asian countries, enhance the development level of Asia-Europe digital economy, and build a beautiful and win-win Digital Silk Road.     

危机与机遇：18世纪末至19世纪初中国帆船的东南亚贸易

自18世纪末中国帆船对吧城、马尼拉的贸易逐渐衰退之后,到19世纪初期依然没有摆脱持续衰落的困境。与此同时,暹罗及安南的王朝兴替,则在一定程度上遏制了中国帆船对两国贸易衰退的势头,并促使彼此间贸易往来在19世纪初期再度兴旺起来。19世纪初期英国在据有新加坡之后所采取的自由贸易政策,使得中国帆船的东南亚贸易又迎来一个新的发展机遇。对于中国帆船的东南亚贸易而言,18世纪末至19世纪初可谓是一个危机与机遇并存的时代。     

东亚贸易演变与产业结构调整

一、东亚经济发展政策的转变 （一）进口替代政策 从二战后到20世纪60年代末，东亚地区整体上处于恢复经济、完善经济结构阶段，重点发展工业，实行进口替代型的工业发展道路。经过20多年的发展，东亚地区建立了比较完整的工业体系，摆脱了对外国产品的严重依赖，