Cultivating Votes in Rural Chile

In Chile's two‐member legislative districts we show there are two groups of swing voters, one group for the first seat won by the governing coalition, another for the second. We build a model that allows us to identify the relative prevalence of these voters across communities. Using data on the allocation of discretionary agricultural loans, we find that communities with relatively many voters pivotal for the first seat receive more loans than they otherwise would have, but we find no systematic advantage for districts that are pivotal for the second seat.     

Corruption and local politics in Chile

This paper argues that the greater openness of Chilean politics to public scrutiny and the penetration of the locality by the market have made corruption a more visible phenomenon. Presenting empirical evidence collected for nearly fifty cases of allegations of municipal corruption, the paper explores the content, actors, directionality, levels of corruption and the links existing with the local political environment: partisan composition of councils, political affiliation of mayors and sources denouncing corruption. The conclusions suggest that although many accusations of corruption may correspond to particularistic claims comprehended in Chile's traditional system of political clientelism, a significant difference with the past is the inclusion of private business as a new component of an old network of political clientelism.This is a revised version of an exploratory paper delivered at the International Seminar El Estado y la prevención de la corrupción organized by the Institute of Political Science. The Catholic University of Chile with the support of the Presidential Commission on Public Ethics, held in Santiago de Chile, July 4–5, 1994. The opinions, findings and conclusions herewith included are the author's own responsibility and do not represent the official standing of any of the above mentioned institutions.     

Dictatorship,democracy and corruption in Chile

The study of corruption in Chile suffers from the lack of a pre-existing body of academic research on which to draw for historical or contemporary analysis. This situation may be partially explained by several factors. Firstly, academic research tends to be reactive rather than proactive, in the sense that issues rarely become researched until they are either topical, or perceived to be problematic and significant. The configuration of historical circumstances in Chile has meant that corruption has been perceived to be considerably less widespread and less overt than in other parts of Latin America. For reasons which will be examined below, Chile is quite clearly not in the same league as Brazil, México or Venezuela in terms of corruption in the political system, and therefore the body of existing research has tended to focus on those cases where corruption is evident and more easily observable. Secondly, the lack of research material may also be partially explained by the nature of corruption in Chile. It undoubtably exists, but it has been characteristically low-key, assuming its own particular characteristics which have become known as corrupción a la chilena. Low-intensity corruption is undoubtedly more difficult to categorise, define and measure in comparison with flagrant abuses by individuals, sectors of society or ruling parties, and this may also be a contributory factor. A third factor may be that such low-intensity activities may become such an integral part of the political culture that they become accepted ways of the business of politics and therefore fail to even raise objections from public opinion. Only when the political environment changes do these issues become perceived as unacceptable. However, what is beyond dispute is that corruption has and does exist in Chile but it is influenced by the political culture of a particular period and by the political and social context.     

Injuries due to deliberate violence in Chile

An analysis was made over a period of 6 months of the incidents involving deliberate violence as registered in 'Vicaria', the clinic for out-patients within the Cathedral of Santiago de Chile. A total of 236 victims of deliberate violence were observed. Men aged 15-24 years were found to be victims of deliberate violence most frequently. 'Under education' was the most frequently registered occupation for both sexes, and a large group of male victims were 'Unemployed'. 82% of the victims were men and 14% women, 1.5% were boys and 1.5% girls less than or equal to 14 years of age. None of the victims were alcohol intoxicated when arriving in the clinic. The incidents took place in streets for 81% of the male victims and 79% of the female victims, and in the majority of the cases the aggressor(s) was one (or several) police officer(s). Six percent of the female victims had been injured at home. There was no reporting of the aggressor being a relative or acquaintance. The most frequent type of violence was blunt violence from baton(s) (44%), while blunt violence without the use of instruments was reported less frequently (33%). The use of firearms was registered in 18% of the cases, and of sharp instruments, combustion, electro-shock and chain in 1.4%, 1.4%, 1.1% and 0.4% of the cases respectively. A total of 517 primary and secondary diagnoses were applied to the patients. Most of the victims (99%) had moderate or less serious lesions according to the Abbreviated Injury Scale (AIS) (score less than or equal to 2). Twenty-four percent of the victims had more than 4 lesions, and 7% more than 10 lesions. The head/neck region and the trunk were affected with equal frequency, the frequency of injuries of the head/neck region being comparable with that observed among torture victims and in contrast to the pronounced predominance of injuries of the head/neck region observed in a Danish emergency ward study of deliberate violence.     

The Economic Cost of Crime in Chile

This study estimates that the economic cost of crime in Chile, using the accountancy method, is $1.35 billion as at 2002; that is, this cost is equivalent to 2.06% of Chile's GDP. Crimes included in the estimation are murder, robbery, larceny–theft, burglary, wounding, rape and sexual assaults, domestic violence and economic felonies such as fraud, forgery and so on. Consequential costs are the most important, representing 68% of the total cost of crime. Government spending represents 23% of the total and anticipatory cost account for the remaining 9%. Chile presents higher level of crime than most developed countries—though less than most developing nations—but government's spending on citizen's security is considerably lower than that of the US and several other European countries.     

Constituent Moment,Constituted Powers in Chile

Law and Critique - This article discusses the concept of constituent power and its application to the situation in Chile after the 18th October 2019. In particular, it discusses the relation...     

智利司法行政体制及财务管理

近几年来,智利政府在司法体制改革方面步伐较大,逐步形成了一套独特的管理模式。现将有关情况简介如下。一、智利司法体制和财务管理概况(一)智利司法部的主要职能及机构设置智利司法部是负责与司法工作相关的政府部门,根据总统及法律所赋予的权力行使职能。其主要职能是:(1)研     

HMO promotion and the privatization of health care in Chile

Since 1973 the Chilean junta has privatized sectors of the national economy. This paper analyzes the country's policy process of promoting private medical programs through HMO-like plans (ISAPREs, or Institutes of Provisional Health). These plans have captured less than half of their originally anticipated market share. It is argued that the future performance of ISAPREs will be undermined by their limited maternal benefits, their targeting to a small upper-income group which cannot sustain many private medical programs, and competition with less expensive yet equally competent public medical programs. The paper briefly compares privatization in Chile with the experiences of other countries, and specifically contrasts the restructuring of health services under military rule in Chile with those of Argentina and Uruguay. The paper concludes that the Chilean experience with HMOs epitomizes the perils of planning health care during short-term periods of economic prosperity as well as failing to consult medical care providers and consumers.     

智利刑事司法体制改革的最新发展

智利刑事司法体制自上世纪80年代进行改革——由纠问式体制改为控辩制。本文对其改革过程、内容进行了简要介绍,以期对目前拉丁美洲有关国家的司法体制的变革有所了解并予以借鉴。     

Legal Reform and Good Governance: Assessing Rights and Economic Development in Chile

Legal reforms throughout Latin America have increased the transparency of the criminal justice process and improved defendants' rights. Many scholars conjecture that such reforms also improve “good governance” and by extension economic development. Paradoxically, despite such assertions, there are few quantitative studies that examine the precise effect of such legal reforms. Using original data sets, the impact of Chile's criminal law reforms on the rights of criminals and economic development is tested. The results show that Chile's criminal law reform has enhanced defendants' rights by reducing the percent of individuals incarcerated. The reform has had a positive effect on regional economic activity, but little effect on foreign direct investment at the regional level.     

Paternity analysis when the putative father is missing: first case in Chile.

Genetic marker analysis is a powerful tool for solving paternity-related problems when the putative father is missing. This report describes the first time this approach was employed in Chile to solve such a problem. In the case presented, the alleged father was missing as a result of the political detentions that took place in Chile during 1973. It was not possible to obtain any biological sample from him because he was missing. Thus, the case was resolved by means of genetic marker analysis of the alleged father's close relatives.     

Patronage and Rationalization: Reform to Criminal Procedure and the Lower Courts in Chile

This article analyzes how the lower criminal courts in Chile transitioned from an inquisitorial to an adversarial justice system between 2000 and 2005 as part of the Criminal Procedure Reform. Drawing on the frame analysis of the street‐level bureaucracy and judicial ethnography, I examine the transition between two different types of judicial bureaucracy from the perspective of the actors who implemented the reform. The study is based on in‐depth interviews with officials and judges of both inquisitorial and adversarial courts, administrative managers of the new courts, and actors who designed the administrative reorganization of lower criminal courts. The study involved a three‐month, weekly observation in an inquisitorial court in Santiago de Chile. The article emphasizes the specificity of the Chilean judiciary, where both inquisitorial and adversarial criminal courts still coexist.